May 26, 2016, "Body Count Points to a Mexican Military Out of Control," NY Times,
"According to the government’s own figures, Mexico's armed forces are exceptionally efficient killers-stacking up bodies at extraordinary rates. The Mexican authorities say the nation’s soldiers are simply better trained and more skilled than the cartels they battle.
But
experts who study the issue say Mexico’s kill rate is practically
unheard-of, arguing that the numbers reveal something more ominous.
“They
are summary executions,” said Paul Chevigny, a retired New York
University professor who pioneered the study of lethality among armed
forces....
For
the nation’s elite marine forces, the discrepancy is even more
pronounced: The data they provide says they kill roughly 30 combatants
for each one they injure.
The statistics, which the government stopped reporting in early 2014, offer a rare, unguarded glimpse into the role the Mexican military has assumed
in the war against organized crime. In the last decade, as the nation’s
soldiers and marines have been forced onto the front lines, human
rights abuses surged.
And
yet the military remains largely untouched, protected by a government loath to crack down on the only force able to take on the fight. Little
has been done to investigate the thousands of accusations of torture,
forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings that have mounted since
former President Felipe Calderón began his nation’s drug war a decade
ago.
Of
the 4,000 complaints of torture that the attorney general’s office has
reviewed since 2006, only 15 have resulted in convictions.
“Not
only is torture generalized in Mexico, but it is also surrounded by
impunity,” said Juan E. Méndez, the United Nations special rapporteur on
torture. “If the government knows it is frequent and you still don’t
get any prosecutions, and the ones you do prosecute usually wind up
going nowhere, the blame lies with the state.”
The
Mexican armed forces did not respond to interview requests. But Gen.
Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda, the defense secretary, has publicly defended
the military, saying it is the only institution confronting organized
crime — and winning.
“We
are in the streets because society is demanding us to be there,”
General Cienfuegos told the Mexican newspaper Milenio this month.
About
3,000 people were killed by the military between 2007 and 2012, while
158 soldiers died. Some critics call the killings a form of pragmatism:
In Mexico, where fewer than 2 percent of murder cases are successfully
prosecuted, the armed forces kill their enemies because they cannot rely
on the shaky legal system.
Waves of pressure have crashed over the government. In March, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights condemned Mexico’s human rights record, including extrajudicial executions, building on an earlier United Nations report that described torture as widespread.
In
recent weeks, a videotape of a soldier beating a woman while a police
officer squeezed a plastic bag over her head went viral, forcing a rare
public apology.
Even with the missing 43 college students, the role of the military, and the protection it enjoys, have become polarizing issues.
Several
soldiers were present the night of the disappearances, according to
international experts asked to help determine the students’ fate. But
the military did not grant interviews to the experts, and the government
did not require it.
The
government says it takes human rights seriously, passing legislation to
counter abuse, protect victims and allow soldiers to be tried in
civilian courts. It says it has a new human rights program within the
military and notes that under the current president, complaints against
the military have dropped sharply....
But while complaints of torture against the armed forces have fallen since 2011 — coinciding with an overall reduction in the number of troops deployed across Mexico — the lethality of their encounters did not decline, according to the data released through early 2014.
But while complaints of torture against the armed forces have fallen since 2011 — coinciding with an overall reduction in the number of troops deployed across Mexico — the lethality of their encounters did not decline, according to the data released through early 2014.
The
unique relationship between the military and the government dates back
more than 70 years, to the period after the country emerged from civil
war. To maintain stability, historians say, the governing Institutional
Revolutionary Party reached a pact with the armed forces: In exchange
for near total autonomy, the military would not interfere in politics.
Unlike
many Latin American nations, Mexico has never suffered a coup. And
though the government long starved its armed forces of funding, they
were protected from scrutiny.
That
protection became vital after 2006, when the military entered the
streets to battle the cartels and violence soared. As complaints of
abuses emerged in record numbers, the government did little to take the
military to task.
Then
the military stopped publishing its statistics on killings two years
ago. Without such data, experts say, it is hard to know how violent the
war against organized crime has become.
Some
episodes surface in court, like a confrontation in Tlatlaya, just
outside Mexico City, where the army killed 22 people in June 2014. The
army boasted that during the confrontation, only one soldier was
injured.
The
case quickly became a scandal when Mexico’s human rights commission
determined that as many as 15 of the people were executed, and that
soldiers had altered the scene to make it appear as if there had been a
battle.
Even
so, the final three soldiers charged were acquitted last week, joining
four others previously acquitted. The only soldier convicted in the
case, for the crime of disobedience, has already served his sentence.
The
impunity comes despite growing ties with the United States military
through exercises, training and military hardware sales meant to improve
the professionalism and, by extension, the human rights record of
Mexico’s armed forces.
Two years ago (2014), the United States agreed to sell Black Hawk helicopters
to Mexico in a pact that Army officials said could total more than $1
billion over 25 years and bring the Mexican Army closer to American
military standards.
“We
didn’t sell them just helicopters,” said Todd M. Rosenblum, the
Pentagon’s former top official on Mexico policy. “We sold them 15 years
of working intimately together that we would not otherwise have.”
The
closer ties have done little to assuage critics in Congress. “All the
training in the world won’t work if you don’t have people at the top who
believe in the importance of transparency and accountability,” said
Senator Patrick J. Leahy, Democrat of Vermont. He wrote a law barring
the United States from providing training or equipment to foreign troops
who commit “gross human rights violations” like murder or torture.
Some abuse cases have made their way to international bodies, causing concern for the Mexican government.
Three
people in Chihuahua State were whisked away on Dec. 29, 2009, and never
heard from again. After seeking recourse from the state, federal and
military authorities, the families took their case to the Inter-American
Commission in 2011.
Five
years later, the commission has delivered its confidential findings,
according to two people familiar with the case. If the commission finds
the military responsible for the disappearances, as expected, the ruling
could become binding.
Another
case has been brought to the International Criminal Court. A nonprofit
group in Baja California collected more than 90 examples of what it
calls torture by the Mexican military from 2006 to 2013. The
international court has not responded to the petition.
The
case includes Ramiro López, who was arrested with three others and
tortured by the military in June 2009. The men were nearly suffocated
with plastic bags and had their genitals shocked with electric current before being presented as confessed kidnappers. They were convicted.
But
in 2015, after a rare examination by the United Nations, the men were
found not guilty. The government acquitted them, but declined to pursue
those responsible for the forced confessions.
“They
should not try to justify their work by obtaining confessions under
torture,” said Mayra López, the sister of Ramiro López. “But it does not
appear as if this will change anytime soon.”"
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Added: US political class adores thugs: On May 19, 2010, lavish state honors were inexplicably bestowed on Calderon by struggling US taxpayers:
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Added: US political class adores thugs: On May 19, 2010, lavish state honors were inexplicably bestowed on Calderon by struggling US taxpayers:
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