.
5/30/15,
"After Speakership, Hastert Amassed His Millions Lobbying Former Colleagues," NY Times, Jonathan Weisman (5/31 NY print ed. p. A14)
"J. Dennis Hastert, the longest-serving Republican House speaker in history, was swept from leadership
in 2006 on a wave of Republican revulsion over what critics saw as a
legislative favor factory he presided over in Congress. That wave
deposited him on K Street, a prime address for the capital’s lobbyists,
where his influence and good name kept the favors flowing — including
into his bank accounts.
Federal
law enforcement agents say Mr. Hastert’s years as a lobbyist and
rainmaker explain how he was able to promise $3.5 million in cash to a
former student who claims Mr. Hastert sexually molested him decades ago.
A
former wrestling coach and high school teacher, Mr. Hastert did not
enter Congress rich. Yet he was still was able to amass a small fortune
with land deals, one aided by an earmark he secured for a highway
interchange.
But
it was at his own post-Congress lobbying firm and at the professional
services firm Dickstein Shapiro that Mr. Hastert swelled his cash flow,
working all sides of issues and glad-handing members of Congress for
controversial clients.
That
he stands accused of child molestation is almost universally a shock in
Washington — “a gut blow,” said Representative Tom Cole, Republican of
Oklahoma and a longtime friend of Mr. Hastert’s. That he had the money,
however, is not so startling in the gilded era of Washington lobbying.
“I’m
not surprised he was very successful,” Mr. Cole said. “People less
significant in Congress than Speaker Hastert have done exceptionally
well afterwards.”
From
2011 to 2014, Lorillard Tobacco paid Dickstein Shapiro nearly $8
million to lobby for the benefit of candy-flavored tobacco and
electronic cigarettes, and Mr. Hastert was the most prominent member of
the lobbying team.
He
pressed lawmakers on climate change for Peabody Energy, the largest
private-sector coal company in the world, in 2013 and 2014, then
switched sides this year and pushed for requiring renewable fuel
production for Fuels America. LightSquared, once an ambitious wireless
venture, paid his firm $200,000 in the second half of 2011 to watch
legislation in Congress on global positioning satellites. Months later,
the company fell into bankruptcy after regulators decided its technology
would interfere with GPS.
The Center for Responsive Politics, a watchdog group, labeled Mr. Hastert “the eclectic lobbyist.” Some
former lawmakers “choose lobbying positions that allow them to focus on
certain policy areas, like energy,” the group said after Mr. Hastert’s indictment
on charges of bank fraud and lying to the F.B.I. “A look at the clients
that used the firm and his services for multiple years from 2009 to
2015 indicates no particular area of specialty.”
For
CenterPoint Properties, a large Illinois developer, his team worked on
placing a major transportation facility for the Army Reserve. For
FirstLine Transportation Security, which screens security guards, he
pressed for congressional review of procurement at the Transportation
Security Administration, one of the firm’s biggest partners. For the
American College of Rheumatology, his focus was the annual labor and
health spending bill.
The
Hastert era in the House may be remembered for rancorous debates on the
war in Iraq, passage of a prescription drug benefit for Medicare
and approval of President George W. Bush’s tax cuts. But for many
Republicans, it was known for loose reins on spending and the extensive
use of earmarks, legislation that directed tax dollars to home-district
projects.
Mr.
Hastert resigned his speakership after the Democratic landslide in 2006
cost Republicans control of the House and Senate, largely as a result
of anti-Bush fervor over the Iraq war. But his legacy was largely swept
under the Republican rug amid the widespread belief in conservative
circles that Mr. Hastert’s tenure had been marred by big spending.
“There
was this pent-up demand for public works, and they kind of went crazy,”
said Bruce Bartlett, a former Treasury official whose book, “Impostor,”
accused Mr. Bush of profligacy.
The
military spending bill for the 2000 fiscal year contained 997 earmarks.
By 2005, that number had grown to 2,506. In 2000, the largest domestic
spending bill, which funded labor, health and education programs, had
491 pet projects. By 2005, it had 3,014.
Steve
Ellis, vice president of Taxpayers for Common Sense, recalled 2005 as
the “perfect storm” of the profligate era, with 15,000 earmarks in
appropriations bills; the “Bridge to Nowhere” in Alaska, which became a symbol of the need for changes to the system; the conviction of Representative Randy Cunningham on corruption charges for his selling of earmarks; and the Jack Abramoff lobbying scandal.
One
of those earmarks was Mr. Hastert’s. The speaker secured $207 million
in the highway law for construction of the proposed Prairie Parkway near
727 acres of farmland in Kendall County, Ill. The Hasterts, through an
obscure land trust, owned 69 acres of that tract and a quarter share of
69 other acres. Four months after Mr. Bush signed the earmark into law,
the trust sold the land for $4.9 million to a developer eyeing a
1,600-home project off the new highway. Mr. Hastert netted millions, the
watchdog Sunlight Foundation discovered.
Lawmakers
and fellow lobbyists compared Mr. Hastert’s qualities as a lobbyist to
those he displayed as speaker: affable and low key, but attractive to
clients. In the post-earmark world, said Mr. Cole, a senior member of
the House Appropriations Committee, Mr. Hastert pressed for policy
“riders” in appropriations bills and programmatic changes that broadly
helped his clients’ sectors.
“As
you’d expect, he was very effective,” Mr. Cole said. “Number one, he
knew the process extremely well, and he knew all the players. When the
former speaker calls, no member rejects it.” With
a salary of probably $1 million, compensation for serving on boards of
directors, speaker’s fees and a book deal, the money was there to pay in
cash what law enforcement officials say Mr. Hastert paid, said former
Representative Jack Kingston, a Republican who led the Appropriations
Committee.
“Yeah,
it’s possible he could amass in a 10-year period a nest egg of $5 to
$10 million,” he said. “I’m not saying it’s easy, but it’s not that
hard.”"
======================
Image caption: "In this Oct. 25, 1975 photo, taken from a newspaper page, Yorkville,
Illinois, high school wrestling coach and former U.S. House Speaker
Dennis Hastert, top left, and Illinois State University wrestling coach
Larry Meyer, top right, watch as University High School coach George
Girardi, bottom left, demonstrates a move on Yorkville assistant Tony
Houle at a technical wrestling clinic in Bloomington, Illinois. AP" 5/30/15, "Source: Ex-US speaker paid to conceal claims of sexual abuse," AP
=======================
Hastert has resigned from the
board of directors at the Chicago-based futures exchange operator CME
Group, a spokesman said.... Dickstein
Shapiro also confirmed that Hastert had resigned his position. "Hastert's bio was taken down from the company's website Thursday afternoon."
.
5/28/15, "Ex-Speaker Hastert charged with lying to FBI about hush money withdrawals," Chicago Tribune, Jason Meisner
"Hastert was House speaker for eight years and has been working as a
consultant and Washington lobbyist since stepping down from office in
2007.
The bombshell charges had immediate fallout for Hastert. On
the same day the indictment was announced, Hastert resigned from the
board of directors at the Chicago-based futures exchange operator CME
Group, a spokesman said.
Later Thursday, a spokesman at the
Washington lobbying firm where Hastert had been working, Dickstein
Shapiro, confirmed that Hastert had resigned his position as co-leader
of the firm's public policy and political law practice.
Hastert's bio was taken down from the company's website Thursday afternoon.
A woman who answered the phone Thursday at the former congressman's
Yorkville consulting business, Hastert and Associates, said Hastert
told her to refer questions to Dickstein Shapiro.
According to the
seven-page indictment, Individual A met multiple times in 2010 with
Hastert but brought up the allegations of past misconduct during at
least one of the meetings. During that discussion and later meetings,
Hastert agreed to pay $3.5 million to Individual A to conceal the
wrongdoing, the indictment alleged....
The longest-serving Republican House speaker in history, Hastert was
elected to the U.S. House in 1986 after serving three terms in the
Illinois legislature. Hastert was dogged by scandal near the end of his
term as speaker over the response of Republican leadership to improper
advances toward underage male pages by then-Rep. Mark Foley of Florida
.
In
2006, the House Ethics Committee found that Hastert and other leaders
were "willfully ignorant" in responding to early warnings of the scandal
but did not violate any House rules.
The Tribune previously
reported that although the panel did not reprimand or otherwise sanction
Hastert, it cast doubt on Hastert's public insistence that he was
unaware of a complaint about inappropriate email messages Foley sent to a
former page in 2005.
Controversy
also followed Hastert after he left the speaker's office. A Tribune
investigation in 2012 found that Hastert had conducted private business
ventures through a taxpayer-financed office."...
.
==============================
Bank withdrawals from 2010 to 2014 were then provided to
Individual A. Hastert was picked as Speaker after first choice Rep. Bob Livingston resigned following admission of sexual indiscretions:
5/29/15, "Ex-US House speaker's indictment offers few clues about case," AP, Michael Tarm
"Hastert, who has not been arrested, was a little-known lawmaker from suburban Chicago when chosen to succeed conservative Newt Gingrich as speaker. Hastert was picked after favored Louisiana Rep. Bob Livingston resigned following his admission of several sexual affairs....
A
statement from the U.S. attorney's office announcing the indictment
said Hastert will be ordered to appear for arraignment. The date was not
immediately set.
The
indictment alleges Hastert withdrew a total of $1.7 million in cash
from various bank accounts
from 2010 to 2014, then provided the money to
Individual A.
The
indictment says
Hastert agreed to the payments after multiple meetings
in 2010. It says that "during at least one of the meetings, Individual A
and defendant discussed past misconduct by defendant against Individual
A that had occurred years earlier" and
Hastert agreed to pay $3.5
million to keep it quiet. The indictment suggests he never paid the
full amount."
.
==============================