"I don't
have candidates generally who are as responsive as Boris Yeltsin," said
George Gorton, who worked for Wilson in 1994 and later ran Wilson's
abortive bid for the GOP nomination. "Certainly not Pete Wilson."
Hired
in February through a San Francisco firm with connections in Moscow,
Gorton said that the team members never met Yeltsin. Instead, they sent
their detailed, unsigned memos to his daughter. "We were told that we
were formally retained as advisors to the Yeltsin family."
Although
the Americans spoke no Russian and worked through translators, they
began secretly laying out an American-style campaign to counter the
public sentiment running against Yeltsin. When they started,
Yeltsin's approval rating was about 6%, and, as they told Time magazine,
Josef Stalin had a higher positive rating in their polls. Yet last
week, Yeltsin defeated Communist candidate Gennady A. Zyuganov by more
than 13 percentage points.
*
In an interview here Monday,
Gorton said that he and his colleagues quickly realized that Yeltsin did
not trust his campaign advisors to help him win reelection and placed
more value on the advice of his daughter.
"However, she didn't
know anything," Gorton said. "She's very bright, very articulate, very
strong-willed, but she didn't have the first idea about campaigning, not
even the ideas that a child here would have."
The Americans were
brought in by a circuitous route. Felix Braynin of San Francisco, a
Soviet immigrant who is now a wealthy consultant to American businesses
working in Russia, began helping the Yeltsin campaign last year.
After
he asked about American advisors who could help, San Francisco lawyer
Fred Lowell suggested Gorton and Joe Shumate, an expert on political
polling, and Richard Dresner, a political strategist who has helped not
only Wilson but President Clinton in his earlier campaigns for governor
of Arkansas.
The Americans will not say how much they were paid,
although their fee has been estimated at about $250,000. They were told
that their involvement had to be treated like a state secret because of
fears that the Communists would use their presence to try to foment
anti-Western sentiment among voters.
The group worked in hiding on
the 11th floor of the Kremlin's lavish President Hotel in downtown
Moscow. The hotel can be entered by invitation only. After six weeks
inside, Gorton and his colleagues began to sneak out for occasional
meals in the city or to go into the countryside to help conduct some of
Russia's first focus groups.
"What you have to understand is that
this hotel is a minimum-security prison masquerading as a five-star
hotel," said Steven Moore, a 28-year-old political consultant who joined
in the effort. The team is still secretive about some of its
Russian business. Dresner prefers to stay mum about whether he was in
touch with his old colleague Dick Morris, now Clinton's chief campaign
advisor. Citing certain "agreements" that they refuse to explain,
Dresner and Gorton acknowledge only that information about their work
was made available to the Clinton White House.
The
American advisors also worked with the Russians on such details as
replacing a poster of a scowling Yeltsin with a smiling version. They
suggested that some negative ads needed to be more subtle--persuading
the Yeltsin campaign to pull one poster that showed a hammer and sickle
made of cockroaches.
Some of Yeltsin's Russian advisors felt
strongly that he could not criticize communism, especially since
Communists had done so well in parliamentary elections in December and
their leader, Zyuganov, was doing so well in the polls.
But
Yeltsin followed the American advice until the last few days before the
first round of balloting June 16, Gorton said. At that point, however,
the Russian advisors canceled the anti-Communist ads. About the same
time, Dresner said, Yeltsin's campaign polls showed a flattening out.
But mostly, Yeltsin took their advice, the Americans said.
Perhaps
the most troubling moment in their adventure came when it appeared some
of Yeltsin's advisors in the Kremlin were trying to convince him to
cancel the election. At one point, the Americans believed that a Moscow
pollster was handing out false numbers showing that Yeltsin could not
possibly win.
"It came to the point that we wrote a memo I would
never have written anywhere else. We said: 'This campaign is in the
bank. It's over. It's finished,' " Gorton said, meaning that Yeltsin had
won."
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