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Excerpt from 2006 book, “Overthrow” by Stephen Kinzer: US “regime changes” have actually weakened American security. “They cast whole regions of the world into upheaval, creating whirlpools of instability from which undreamed-of threats arose years later.”...The Soviet Union has been the only check on US global military aggression. …Today there are no checks on US aggression, but they pretend there are to collect $1 trillion yearly from chump US taxpayers for “training,” “flyovers,” “rehearsals with allies,” and upkeep of 800+ military bases.
4/5/2006, “Author [Stephen] Kinzer Charts ‘Century of Regime Change’," npr.org, Heard on Fresh Air
“After World War II…American presidents found a new way to overthrow foreign governments. They could no longer simply demand that unfriendly foreign leaders accept the reality of American power and step down,
nor could they send troops to land on foreign shores
without worrying about the consequences.
This was because for the first time, there was a force in the world that limited their freedom of action:
During the Cold War, any direct American intervention risked provoking a reaction from the Soviets, possibly a cataclysmic one.
To adjust to this new reality,
the United States began using a more subtle technique,
the clandestine coup d’état,
to depose foreign governments.
In Iran, Guatemala, South Vietnam, and Chile,
diplomats and intelligence agents
replaced generals
as the instruments of American intervention.
By the end of the twentieth century, it had become more difficult for Americans to stage coups because foreign leaders had learned how to resist them.
Coups had also become unnecessary.
The decline and collapse of the Soviet Union and the disappearance of the Red Army meant that
there was no longer any military constraint on the United States.
That left it free to return to its habit
of landing troops on foreign shores….
The invasion of Iraq in 2003 was not an isolated episode. It was the culmination of a 110-year period during which Americans overthrew fourteen governments that displeased them for various ideological, political, and economic reasons. Like each of these operations, the “regime change” in Iraq seemed for a time–a very short time–to have worked.
It is now clear, however, that this operation
has had terrible unintended consequences.
So have most of the other coups, revolutions, and invasions that the United States has mounted to depose governments it feared or mistrusted.
The United States uses a variety of means to persuade other countries to do its bidding. In many cases it relies on time-honored tactics of diplomacy, offering rewards to governments that support American interests and threatening retaliation against those that refuse. Sometimes it defends friendly regimes against popular anger or uprisings. In more than a few places, it has quietly supported coups or revolutions organized by others. Twice, in the context of world wars, it helped to wipe away old ruling orders and impose new ones.
This book is not about any of those ways Americans have shaped the modern world. It focuses only on the most extreme set of cases: those in which the United States arranged to depose foreign leaders.
No nation in modern history has done this so often, in so many places so far from its own shores….
By considering these operations as a continuum rather than as a series of unrelated incidents, it seeks to find what they have in common. It poses and tries to answer two fundamental questions.
First, why did the United States carry out these operations?
Second, what have been their long-term consequences?…
This book treats only cases in which Americans played the decisive role in deposing a regime. Chile, for example, makes the list because, although many factors led to the 1973 coup there, the American role was decisive. Indonesia, Brazil, and the Congo do not, because American agents played only subsidiary roles in the overthrow of their governments during the 1960s. Nor do Mexico, Haiti, or the Dominican Republic, countries the United States invaded but whose leaders it did not depose….
The first time a president acted on his own to depose a foreign leader was in 1909, when William Howard Taft ordered the overthrow of Nicaraguan president José Santos Zelaya.
Taft claimed he was acting
and promote democratic principles.
His true aim was to defend the right of American companies to operate as they wished in Nicaragua. In a larger sense, he was asserting the right of the United States to impose its preferred form of stability on foreign countries.
This set a pattern. Throughout the twentieth century and into the beginning of the twenty-first, the United States repeatedly used its military power, and that of its clandestine services, to overthrow governments that refused to protect American interests.
Each time, it cloaked its intervention in the rhetoric of
national security and liberation.
In most cases, however, it acted mainly for economic reasons — specifically, to establish, promote, and defend the right of Americans to do business around the world without interference.
Huge forces reshaped the world during the twentieth century. One of the most profound was the emergence of multinational corporations, businesses based in one country that made much of their profit overseas. These corporations and the people who ran them accumulated great wealth and political influence. Civic movements, trade unions, and political parties arose to counterbalance them, but in the United States, these were never able even to approach the power that corporations wielded. Corporations identified themselves in the public mind with the ideals of free enterprise, hard work, and individual achievement.
They also maneuvered their friends and supporters into important positions in Washington.
By a quirk of history, the United States rose to great power at the same time multinational corporations were emerging as a decisive force in world affairs.
These corporations came to expect government to act on their behalf abroad,
even to the extreme of
overthrowing uncooperative foreign leaders.
Successive presidents have agreed that this is a good way to promote American interests….
In the modern world, corporations are the institutions that countries use to capture wealth. They have become the vanguard of American power, and
defying them has become tantamount to defying the United States.
When Americans depose a foreign leader who dares such defiance, they not only assert their rights in one country but also send a clear message to others….
As the twentieth century progressed, titans of industry and their advocates went
a step beyond influencing policy makers;
they became the policy makers.
The figure who most perfectly embodied this merging of political and economic interests was John Foster Dulles, who spent decades working for some of the world’s most powerful corporations and then became secretary of state. It was Dulles who ordered the 1953 coup in Iran, which was intended in part to make the Middle East safe for American oil companies.
A year later he ordered another coup, in Guatemala, where a nationalist government
had challenged the power of United Fruit, a company his old law firm represented.
Having marshaled so much public and political support, American corporations found it relatively easy to call upon the military or the Central Intelligence Agency to defend their privileges in countries where they ran into trouble.
They might not have been able to do so
if they and the presidents who cooperated with them
had candidly presented their cases to the American people.
Americans have always been idealists. They want their country to act for pure motives, and might have refused to support foreign interventions that were forthrightly described as defenses of corporate power.
Presidents have used two strategies to assure that these interventions would be carried out with a minimum of protest. Sometimes they obscured the real reasons they overthrew foreign governments,
insisting that they were acting
only to protect American security and liberate suffering natives.
At other times they simply denied that the United States was involved in these operations at all….
Both of the small countries Americans invaded in the 1980s,
Grenada and Panama,
are in what the United States has traditionally considered its sphere of influence, and both were already in turmoil when American troops landed.
The two invasions that came later, in
Afghanistan and Iraq,
were far larger in scale and historical importance.
Many Americans supported the operation in Afghanistan because they saw it as an appropriate reaction to the presence of terrorists there. A smaller but still substantial number supported the operation in Iraq after being told that Iraq also posed an imminent threat to world peace.
American invasions left both of these countries
in violent turmoil.
Most “regime change” operations have achieved their short-term goals. Before the CIA deposed the government of Guatemala in 1954, for example, United Fruit was not free to operate as it wished in that country; afterward it was.
From the vantage point of history, however, it is clear that most of these operations
actually weakened American security.
They cast whole regions of the world into upheaval, creating whirlpools of instability
from which undreamed-of threats arose years later.”…
“From the book Overthrow: America’s Century of Regime Change From Hawaii to Iraq by Stephen Kinzer. Reprinted by arrangement with Times Books, an imprint of Henry Holt and Company, LLC. Copyright (c) 2006 by Stephen Kinzer”
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