But after a single phone call from from U.S. Vice President Mike Pence, Guaidó proclaimed himself as president of Venezuela.
Anointed as the leader of his country by Washington, a previously
unknown political bottom dweller was vaulted onto the international
stage as the U.S.-selected leader of the nation with the world’s largest
oil reserves.
Echoing the Washington consensus, The New York Times editorial board hailed
Guaidó as a “credible rival” to President Nicolás Maduro with a
“refreshing style and vision of taking the country forward.” The Bloomberg News editorial board applauded him for seeking “restoration of democracy” and The Wall Street Journal declared him “a
new democratic leader.” Meanwhile, Canada, numerous European nations,
Israel, and the bloc of right-wing Latin American governments known as the Lima Group recognized Guaidó as the legitimate leader of Venezuela.
While Guaidó seemed to have materialized out of nowhere, he was, in fact, the product of more than a decade of assiduous grooming by the U.S. government’s elite regime change factories. Alongside a cadre of right-wing student activists, Guaidó was cultivated
to undermine Venezuela’s socialist-oriented government, destabilize the
country and one day seize power. Though he has been a minor figure in
Venezuelan politics, he had spent years quietly demonstrating his
worthiness in Washington’s halls of power.
“Juan Guaidó is a character that has been created for this
circumstance,” Marco Teruggi, an Argentinian sociologist and leading
chronicler of Venezuelan politics, told the Grayzone. “It’s the logic of a laboratory – Guaidó is like a mixture of several elements that create a character who, in all honesty, oscillates between laughable and worrying.”
Diego Sequera, a Venezuelan journalist and writer for the investigative outlet, Mision Verdad, agreed: “Guaidó is more popular outside Venezuela than inside, especially in the elite Ivy League and Washington circles,” Sequera remarked to the Grayzone. “He’s a known character there, is predictably right-wing, and is considered loyal to the program.”
While
Guaidó is today sold as the face of democratic restoration, he spent
his career in the most violent faction of Venezuela’s most radical
opposition party, positioning himself at the forefront of one
destabilization campaign after another.
His party has been
widely discredited inside Venezuela, and is held partly responsible for
fragmenting a badly weakened opposition.
“‘These radical leaders have no more than 20 percent in opinion polls,” wrote Luis Vicente León, Venezuela’s leading pollster. According to Leon, Guaidó’s party remains isolated because the majority of the population does not want war. “What they want is a solution.’”
But this is precisely why Guaidó was selected by Washington: he is not expected to lead Venezuela towards democracy, but to collapse a country that for the past two decades has been a bulwark of resistance to U.S. hegemony. His unlikely rise signals the culmination of a two decades-long project to destroy a robust socialist experiment.
Targeting ‘Troika of Tyranny’
Since the 1998 election of Hugo Chavez, the United States has
fought to restore control over Venezuela and is vast oil reserves.
Chavez’s socialist programs may have redistributed the country’s wealth
and helped lift millions out of poverty, but they also earned him a
target on his back. In 2002, Venezuela’s right-wing opposition briefly ousted him with U.S. support and recognition, before the military restored his presidency following a mass popular mobilization. Throughout the administrations of U.S. Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, Chavez survived numerous assassination plots before succumbing to cancer in 2013. His successor, Nicolás Maduro, has survived three attempts on his life.
The Trump administration immediately elevated Venezuela to the top of Washington’s regime change target list, branding it the leader of a “troika of tyranny.” Last year, Trump’s national security team attempted to recruit members of the military brass to mount a military junta, but that effort failed.
According to the Venezuelan government, the U.S. was also involved in a
plot codenamed Operation Constitution to capture Maduro at the
Miraflores presidential palace, and another called Operation Armageddon to assassinate him at a military parade in July 2017. Just over a year later, exiled opposition leaders tried and failed to kill Maduro with drone bombs during a military parade in Caracas.
More than a decade before these intrigues, a group of right-wing opposition students were hand selected and groomed by an elite, U.S.-funded regime change training academy to topple Venezuela’s government and restore the neoliberal order.
Training for Insurrection
On Oct. 5, 2005, with Chavez’s popularity at its peak and his government planning sweeping socialist programs, five Venezuelan “student leaders” arrived in Belgrade, Serbia to begin training for an insurrection.
The students had arrived from Venezuela courtesy of the Center for Applied Non-Violent Action and Strategies, or CANVAS. This group is funded largely through the National Endowment for Democracy, [NED] a CIA cut-out that functions as the U.S. government’s main arm of promoting regime change; and offshoots like the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. According to leaked internal emails from Stratfor, an intelligence firm known as the “shadow CIA,” “[CANVAS] may have also received CIA funding and training during the 1999/2000 anti-Milosevic struggle.”
CANVAS is a spinoff of Otpor, a Serbian protest group founded by Srdja Popovic in
1998 at the University of Belgrade. Otpor, which means “resistance” in
Serbian, was the student group that gained international fame – and
Hollywood-level promotion – by mobilizing the protests that eventually toppled Slobodan Milosevic. This small cell of regime change specialists was operating according to the theories of the late Gene Sharp, the “Clausewitz of non-violent struggle.” Sharp had worked with a former Defense Intelligence Agency analyst, Col. Robert Helvey, to conceive a strategic blueprint that weaponized protest as a form of hybrid warfare, aiming it at states that resisted Washington’s unipolar domination.
Otpor was supported by the National Endowment for Democracy, USAID and Sharp’s Albert Einstein Institute. Sinisa Sikman, one of Otpor’s main trainers, once said the group even received direct CIA funding. According to a leaked email from
a Stratfor staffer, after running Milosevic out of power, “the kids who
ran OTPOR grew up, got suits and designed CANVAS… or in other words an ‘export-a-revolution’ group that sowed the seeds for a NUMBER of color revolutions.
They are still hooked into U.S. funding and basically go around the
world trying to topple dictators and autocratic governments (ones that U.S. does not like).”
Stratfor revealed that CANVAS “turned its attention to
Venezuela” in 2005 after training opposition movements that led pro-NATO
regime change operations across Eastern Europe.
While monitoring the CANVAS training program, Stratfor
outlined its insurrectionist agenda in strikingly blunt language:
“Success is by no means guaranteed, and student movements are only at the beginning of what could be a years-long effort to trigger a revolution in Venezuela,
but the trainers themselves are the people who cut their teeth on the
‘Butcher of the Balkans.’ They’ve got mad skills. When you see students
at five Venezuelan universities hold simultaneous demonstrations, you
will know that the training is over and the real work has begun.”
Generation 2007
The “real work” began two years later, in 2007, when Guaidó
graduated from Andrés Bello Catholic University of Caracas. He moved to
Washington, D.C., to enroll in the governance and political management program at George Washington University
under the tutelage of Venezuelan economist Luis Enrique Berrizbeitia,
one of the top Latin American neoliberal economists. Berrizbeitia is a former executive director of the International Monetary Fund who spent more than a decade working in the Venezuelan energy sector under the oligarchic old regime that was ousted by Chavez.
That year, Guaidó helped lead anti-government rallies after the Venezuelan government declined to renew
the license of Radio Caracas Televisión (RCTV). This privately-owned
station played a leading role in the 2002 coup against Hugo Chavez.
RCTV
helped mobilize anti-government demonstrators, falsified information
blaming government supporters for acts of violence carried out by
opposition members, and banned pro-government reporting amid the coup.
The role of RCTV and other oligarch-owned stations in driving the
failed coup attempt was chronicled in the acclaimed documentary, “The
Revolution Will Not Be Televised.”
That same year, the students claimed credit for stymying Chavez’s constitutional referendum for a “21st century socialism” that promised “to set the legal framework
for the political and social reorganization of the country, giving
direct power to organized communities as a prerequisite for the
development of a new economic system.”
From the protests around RCTV and the referendum, a specialized cadre of U.S.-backed class of regime change activists was born. They called themselves “Generation 2007.”
The Stratfor and CANVAS trainers of this cell identified Guaidó’s ally – a street organizer named Yon Goicoechea – as a “key factor” in defeating the constitutional referendum. The following year, Goicochea was rewarded for his efforts with the Cato Institute’s Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty, along with a $500,000 prize, which he promptly invested into building his own Liberty First (Primero Justicia) political network.
Friedman, of course, was the godfather of the notorious neoliberal Chicago Boys who were imported into Chile by dictatorial junta leader Augusto Pinochet to implement policies of radical “shock doctrine”-style fiscal austerity. And the Cato Institute is the libertarian Washington, D.C.-based think tank founded by the Koch brothers, two top [Establishment, Open borders] Republican Party donors who have become aggressive supporters of the right-wing across Latin America.
WikiLeaks published a 2007 email that American ambassador to Venezuela William Brownfield sent to the State Department, National Security Council and Department of Defense Southern Command praising
“Generation of ’07” for having “forced the Venezuelan president,
accustomed to setting the political agenda, to (over)react.”
Among the “emerging leaders” Brownfield identified were Freddy Guevara
and Yon Goicoechea. He applauded the latter figure as “one of the
students’ most articulate defenders of civil liberties.”
Flush with cash from
libertarian oligarchs and U.S. government soft power outfits, the
radical Venezuelan cadre took their Otpor tactics to the streets, along with a version of the group’s logo, as seen below:
Spinning Anti-Chavez Unrest
In 2009, the Generation 2007 youth activists staged their most provocative demonstration yet, dropping their pants on public roads and aping the outrageous guerrilla theater tactics
outlined by Gene Sharp in his regime change manuals. The protesters had
mobilized against the arrest of an ally from another newfangled youth
group called JAVU. This far-right group “gathered funds from a variety
of U.S. government sources, which allowed it to gain notoriety quickly
as the hardline wing of opposition street movements,” according to
academic George Ciccariello-Maher’s book, “Building the Commune.”
While video of the protest is not available, many Venezuelans have identified Guaidó
as one of its key participants. While the allegation is unconfirmed, it
is certainly plausible; the bare-buttocks protesters were
members of the Generation 2007 inner core that Guaidó belonged to, and
were clad in their trademark Resistencia! Venezuela t-shirts, as seen
below:
That year, Guaidó exposed himself to the public in another way, founding a political party to capture the anti-Chavez energy his Generation 2007 had cultivated. Called Popular Will, it was led by Leopoldo López, a Princeton-educated right-wing firebrand heavily involved in National Endowment for Democracy programs and elected as the mayor of a district in Caracas
that was one of the wealthiest in the country. Lopez was a portrait of
Venezuelan aristocracy, directly descended from his country’s first
president. He was also the first cousin of Thor Halvorssen, founder of the U.S.-based Human Rights Foundation that functions as a de facto publicity shop for U.S.-backed anti-government activists in countries targeted by Washington for regime change.
Though Lopez’s interests aligned neatly with Washington’s, U.S. diplomatic cables published by WikiLeaks highlighted the fanatical tendencies
that would ultimately lead to Popular Will’s marginalization. One cable
identified Lopez as “a divisive figure within the opposition… often
described as arrogant, vindictive, and power-hungry.” Others highlighted
his obsession with street confrontations and his “uncompromising
approach” as a source of tension with other opposition leaders who
prioritized unity and participation in the country’s democratic
institutions.
By 2010, Popular Will and its foreign backers moved to exploit the worst drought to hit Venezuela in decades.
Massive electricity shortages had struck the country due the dearth of
water, which was needed to power hydroelectric plants. A global economic
recession and declining oil prices compounded the crisis, driving
public discontentment.
Stratfor and CANVAS – key advisors of Guaidó and his anti-government cadre – devised a shockingly cynical plan to drive a dagger through the heart of the Bolivarian revolution. The scheme hinged on a 70 percent collapse of the country’s electrical system by as early as April 2010.
“This could be the watershed event, as there is little that
Chavez can do to protect the poor from the failure of that system,” the
Stratfor internal memo declared. “This would likely have the
impact of galvanizing public unrest in a way that no opposition group
could ever hope to generate. At that point in time, an opposition group
would be best served to take advantage of the situation and spin it
against Chavez and towards their needs.”
By this point, the Venezuelan opposition was receiving a staggering $40-50 million a year from U.S. government organizations like USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy, according to a report by
the Spanish think tank, the FRIDE Institute. It also had massive wealth
to draw on from its own accounts, which were mostly outside the
country.
While the scenario envisioned by Statfor did not come to
fruition, the Popular Will party activists and their allies cast aside
any pretense of non-violence and joined a radical plan to destabilize
the country.
Violent Destabilization
In November 2010, according to emails obtained
by Venezuelan security services and presented by former Justice
Minister Miguel Rodríguez Torres, Guaidó, Goicoechea, and several other
student activists attended a secret five-day training at the Fiesta Mexicana hotel in Mexico City. The sessions were run by Otpor, the Belgrade-based regime change trainers backed by the U.S. government. The meeting had reportedly received the blessing of
Otto Reich, a fanatically anti-Castro Cuban exile working in George W.
Bush’s Department of State, and the right-wing former Colombian
President Alvaro Uribe.
At the Fiesta Mexicana hotel, the emails stated, Guaidó and his
fellow activists hatched a plan to overthrow President Hugo Chavez by generating chaos through protracted spasms of street violence.
Three petroleum industry figureheads – Gustavo Torrar, Eligio
Cedeño and Pedro Burelli – allegedly covered the $52,000 tab to hold
the meeting. Torrar is a self-described “human rights activist”
and “intellectual” whose younger brother Reynaldo Tovar Arroyo is the
representative in Venezuela of the private Mexican oil and gas company
Petroquimica del Golfo, which holds a contract with the Venezuelan
state.
Cedeño, for his part, is a fugitive Venezuelan businessman who claimed asylum in the United States,
and Pedro Burelli a former JP Morgan executive and the former director
of Venezuela’s national oil company, Petroleum of Venezuela (PDVSA). He
left PDVSA in 1998 as Hugo Chavez took power and is on the advisory committee of Georgetown University’s Latin
America leadership program.
Burelli insisted that the emails detailing his participation had been fabricated and even hired a private investigator to prove it. The investigator declared that Google’s records showed the emails alleged to be his were never transmitted.
Yet today Burelli makes no secret of his desire to see
Venezuela’s current president, Nicolás Maduro, deposed – and even
dragged through the streets and sodomized with a bayonet, as Libyan leader Moammar Qaddafi was by NATO-backed militiamen.
.@NicolasMaduro, jamas me has hecho caso. Me has fustigado/perseguido como @chavezcandanga jamás osó. Óyeme, tienes sólo dos opciones en las próximas 24 horas:
1. Como Noriega: pagar pena por narcotráfico y luego a @IntlCrimCourt La Haya por DDHH.
2. O a la Gaddafi. Escoge ya! pic.twitter.com/pMksCEXEmY
The alleged Fiesta Mexicana plot flowed into another destabilization plan revealed in a series of documents produced by the Venezuelan government.
In May 2014, Caracas released documents detailing an assassination plot
against President Nicolás Maduro. The leaks identified the Miami-based Maria Corina Machado as a leader of the scheme. A hardliner with a penchant for extreme rhetoric, Machado has functioned as an international liaison for the opposition, visiting President George W. Bush in 2005.
“I think it is time to gather efforts; make the necessary calls, and
obtain financing to annihilate Maduro and the rest will fall apart,”
Machado wrote in an email to former Venezuelan diplomat Diego Arria in
2014.
In another email, Machado claimed that the violent plot had the blessing of U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, Kevin Whitaker. [As of 2/1/2019, Obama appointee, Kevin Whittaker, confirmed 4/1/2014, is still US ambassador to Columbia. Trump has repeatedly tried to put an even bigger Soros puppet in that job. Several US Senators have expressed shock at Trump's choice, but Trump adores Soros, won't allow a bad word about him. 3 articles: April 7, 2017, “Why the ‘Trump’ State Department still loves George Soros,” NY Post, Mike Gonzalez, opinion; 9/15/2017, “Conservatives Urge Trump Not to Name Former Top Clinton Aide Ambassador to Colombia,” “Trump leaning toward nominating Joseph MacManus,” Washington Free Beacon, Susan Crabtree; 11/29/2017, Trump’s scandalous nomination of Joseph MacManus for Ambassador to Columbia: “Trump picks top Clinton aide for key ambassador slot. Why?" Powerline, Paul Mirengoff
]
“I have already made up my mind and this fight will continue until this
regime is overthrown and we deliver to our friends in the world. If I
went to San Cristobal and exposed myself before the OAS, I fear nothing.
Kevin Whitaker has already reconfirmed his support and he pointed out
the new steps. We have a checkbook stronger than the regime’s to break
the international security ring.”
Guaidó Heads to Barricades
That February, student demonstrators acting as shock troops
for the exiled oligarchy erected violent barricades across the country,
turning opposition-controlled quarters into violent fortresses known as guarimbas. While international media portrayed the upheaval as a spontaneous protest against Maduro’s iron-fisted rule, there was ample evidence that Popular Will was orchestrating the show.
“None of the protesters at the universities wore their university
t-shirts, they all wore Popular Will or Justice First t-shirts,” a guarimba participant said at
the time. “They might have been student groups, but the student
councils are affiliated to the political opposition parties and they are
accountable to them.”
Asked who the ringleaders were, the guarimba participant said,
“Well if I am totally honest, those guys are legislators now.”
Around 43 were killed during the 2014 guarimbas.
Three years later, they erupted again, causing mass destruction of
public infrastructure, the murder of government supporters, and the deaths of 126 people, many of whom were Chavistas. In several cases, supporters of the government were burned alive by armed gangs.
Guaidó was directly involved in the 2014 guarimbas.
In fact, he tweeted video showing himself clad in a helmet and gas
mask, surrounded by masked and armed elements that had shut down a
highway that were engaging in a violent clash with the police.
Alluding to his participation in Generation 2007, he proclaimed, “I
remember in 2007, we proclaimed, ‘Students!’ Now, we shout, ‘Resistance!
Resistance!’”
Guaidó has deleted the tweet, demonstrating apparent concern for his image as a champion of democracy.
On Feb. 12, 2014, during the height of that year’s guarimbas, Guaidó joined Lopez on stage at a rally of Popular Will and Justice First. During a lengthy diatribe against
the government, Lopez urged the crowd to march to the office of
Attorney General Luisa Ortega Diaz. Soon after, Diaz’s office came under
attack by armed gangs who attempted to burn it to the ground. She
denounced what she called “planned and premeditated violence.”
In a televised appearance in 2016, Guaidó dismissed deaths resulting from guayas – a guarimba tactic
involving stretching steel wire across a roadway in order to injure or
kill motorcyclists – as a “myth.” His comments whitewashed a deadly
tactic that had killed unarmed civilians like Santiago Pedroza and decapitated a man named Elvis Durán, among many others.
This callous disregard for human life would define his Popular Will party in the eyes of much of the public, including many opponents of Maduro.
Cracking Down on Popular Will
As violence and political polarization escalated across the country, the government began to act against the Popular Will leaders who helped stoke it.
Freddy Guevara, the National Assembly vice-president and
second in command of Popular Will, was a principal leader in the 2017
street riots. Facing a trial for his role in the violence, Guevara took shelter in the Chilean embassy, where he remains.
Lester Toledo, a Popular Will legislator from the state of
Zulia, was wanted by the Venezuelan government in September 2016 on
charges of financing terrorism and plotting assassinations.
The plans were said to be made with former Colombian President Álavaro Uribe. Toledo escaped Venezuela and went on several speaking tours with Human Rights Watch, the U.S. government-backed Freedom House, the Spanish Congress and European Parliament.
Carlos Graffe, another Otpor-trained Generation 2007 member who led Popular Will, was arrested in
July 2017. According to police, he was in possession of a bag filled
with nails, C4 explosives and a detonator. He was released on Dec. 27,
2017.
Leopoldo Lopez, the longtime Popular Will leader, is today
under house arrest, accused of a key role in the deaths of 13 people
during the guarimbas in 2014. Amnesty International lauded Lopez
as a “prisoner of conscience” and slammed his transfer from prison to
house as “not good enough.” Meanwhile, family members of guarimba victims introduced a petition for more charges against Lopez.
Goicoechea, the Koch Brothers’ poster boy and U.S.-backed founder of Justice First, was arrested in 2016 by security forces who claimed they found found a kilo of explosives in his vehicle.
In a New York Times op-ed,
Goicoechea protested the charges as “trumped-up” and claimed he had
been imprisoned simply for his “dream of a democratic society, free of
Communism.” He was freed in November 2017.
Hoy, en Caricuao. Llevo 15 años trabajando con @jguaido.
Confío en él. Conozco la constancia y la inteligencia con la que se ha
construido a sí mismo. Está haciendo las cosas con bondad, pero sin
ingenuidad. Hay una posibilidad abierta hacia la libertad. pic.twitter.com/Lidm8y5RTX
Facing arrest, Smolansky shaved his beard, donned sunglasses and slipped into Brazil disguised as a priest with a Bible in hand and rosary around his neck. He now lives in Washington, D.C., where he was hand picked by Secretary of the Organization of American States Luis Almagro to lead the working group on the Venezuelan migrant and refugee crisis.
This July 26 [2018], Smolansky held what he called a “cordial reunion” with Elliot Abrams, the convicted Iran-Contra felon installed by Trump as special U.S. envoy to Venezuela.
Abrams is notorious for overseeing the U.S. covert policy of arming right-wing death squads during the 1980s in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala. His lead role in the Venezuelan coup has stoked fears that another blood-drenched proxy war might be on the way.
Cordial reunión en la ONU con Elliott Abrams, enviado especial del gobierno de EEUU para Venezuela. Reiteramos que la prioridad para el gobierno interino que preside @jguaido es la asistencia humanitaria para millones de venezolanos que sufren de la falta de comida y medicinas. pic.twitter.com/vHfktVKgV4
Four days earlier, Machado rumbled another violent threat against Maduro, declaring that if he “wants to save his life, he should understand that his time is up.”
Pawn in Their Game
The collapse of Popular Will under the weight of the violent campaign of destabilization
it ran alienated large sectors of the public and wound much of its
leadership up in exile or in custody. Guaidó had remained a relatively
minor figure, having spent most of his nine-year career in the National
Assembly as an alternate deputy. Hailing from one of Venezuela’s
least populous states, Guaidó came in second place during the 2015
parliamentary elections, winning just 26 percent of votes cast in order to secure his place in the National Assembly. Indeed, his bottom may have been better known than his face.
Guaidó is known as the president of the opposition-dominated National Assembly, but he was never elected to the position.
The four opposition parties that comprised the Assembly’s Democratic
Unity Table had decided to establish a rotating presidency. Popular
Will’s turn was on the way, but its founder, Lopez, was under house
arrest. Meanwhile, his second-in-charge, Guevara, had taken refuge in
the Chilean embassy. A figure named Juan Andrés Mejía would have been
next in line but for reasons that are only now clear, Juan Guaido was
selected.
“There is a class reasoning that explains Guaidó’s rise,”
Sequera, the Venezuelan analyst, observed. “Mejía is high class, studied
at one of the most expensive private universities in Venezuela, and
could not be easily marketed to the public the way Guaidó could. For
one, Guaidó has common mestizo features like most Venezuelans do, and seems more like a man of the people. Also, he had not been overexposed in the media, so he could be built up into pretty much anything.”
In
December 2018, Guaidó sneaked across the border and junketed to
Washington, Colombia and Brazil to coordinate the plan to hold mass
demonstrations during the inauguration of President Maduro. The night before Maduro’s swearing-in ceremony, both Vice President Mike Pence and Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland called Guaidó to affirm their support.
A week later,
Sen. Marco Rubio, Sen. Rick Scott and Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart – all
lawmakers from the Florida base of the right-wing Cuban exile lobby –
joined President Trump and Vice President Pence at the White House. At their request, Trump agreed that if Guaidó declared himself president, he would back him.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo met personally with Guaidó on Jan. 10, according to The Wall Street Journal.
However, Pompeo could not pronounce Guaidó’s name when he mentioned him
in a press briefing on Jan. 25, referring to him as “Juan Guido.”
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo just called the figure Washington is attempting to install as Venezuelan President “Juan *Guido*” – as in the racist term for Italians. America’s top diplomat didn’t even bother to learn how to pronounce his puppet’s name. pic.twitter.com/HsanZXuSPR
By Jan. 11, Guaidó’s Wikipedia page had been edited 37
times, highlighting the struggle to shape the image of a previously
anonymous figure who was now a tableau for Washington’s regime change
ambitions. In the end, editorial oversight of his page was handed over to Wikipedia’s elite council of “librarians,” who pronounced him the “contested” president of Venezuela.
Guaidó might have been an obscure figure, but his combination of
radicalism and opportunism satisfied Washington’s needs. “That internal
piece was missing,” a Trump administration official said of Guaidó. “He was the piece we needed for our strategy to be coherent and complete.”
“For the first time,” Brownfield, the former American ambassador to Venezuela, gushed to The New York Times, “you have an opposition leader who is clearly signaling to the armed forces and to law enforcement that he wants to keep them on the side of the angels and with the good guys.”
But Guaidó’s Popular Will party formed the shock troops of the guarimbas that caused the deaths of police officers and common citizens alike. He
had even boasted of his own participation in street riots. And now, to
win the hearts and minds of the military and police, Guaido had to erase
this blood-soaked history.
On Jan. 21, a day before the coup began in earnest, Guaidó’s wife delivered a video address calling
on the military to rise up against Maduro. Her performance was wooden
and uninspiring, underscoring her husband’s limited political prospects.
At a press conference before supporters four days later, Guaidó announced his solution to the crisis: “Authorize a humanitarian intervention!”
While he waits on direct assistance, Guaidó remains what he has
always been – a pet project of cynical outside forces. “It doesn’t
matter if he crashes and burns after all these misadventures,” Sequera
said of the coup figurehead. “To the Americans, he is expendable.”"
“Max Blumenthal is an award-winning journalist and the author of several books, including best-selling “Republican Gomorrah,” “Goliath,” “The Fifty One Day War“, and “The Management of Savagery.” He has produced print articles for an array of publications, many video reports, and several documentaries, including “Killing Gaza.” Blumenthal founded The Grayzone in 2015 to shine a journalistic light on America’s state of perpetual war and its dangerous domestic repercussions.
Dan Cohen is
a journalist and filmmaker. He has produced widely distributed video
reports and print dispatches from across Israel-Palestine. Dan is a
correspondent at RT America and tweets at @DanCohen3000. See his website for more information.”
..................................
Added: Columbia is central to ongoing events in Venezuela which now include US regime change there as referenced in article above. Regarding the key position of US Ambassador to Columbia, we learn that Trump has repeatedly attempted to install a Soros puppet in that post, has been unsuccessful in doing so to date thanks to objections from some Republican Senators. Apparently Trump isn't giving up, figuring he'll wait out resistance to the Soros puppet. In the meantime, Soros Puppet Trump allows an Obama appointee from 4/1/2014 to remain in the key post of Ambassador to Columbia:
As of 2/1/2019, US Ambassador to Columbia remains a 4/1/2014 Obama appointee, Kevin Whittaker. Trump has repeatedly tried to put an even bigger Soros puppet
in that job. Several US Senators have expressed shock at Trump's
choice, but for Trump it's Soros First and America Last: Trump still hasn't filled the Columbia post. 3
articles: April 7, 2017, “Why the ‘Trump’ State Department still loves George Soros,” NY Post, Mike Gonzalez, opinion; 9/15/2017, “Conservatives Urge Trump Not to Name Former Top Clinton Aide Ambassador to Colombia,” “Trump leaning toward nominating Joseph MacManus,” Washington Free Beacon, Susan Crabtree; 11/29/2017, Trump’s scandalous nomination of Joseph MacManus for Ambassador to Columbia: “Trump picks top Clinton aide for key ambassador slot. Why?" Powerline, Paul Mirengoff]
...............
