Tuesday, June 2, 2015

Ted Cruz gave one of the greatest, most honest and most courageous addresses ever delivered on the floor of the US Senate on Dec. 12, 2014. It is a tragedy that very few are aware of this magnificent speech. It's why I support Ted Cruz-Lester Jackson

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Senator Cruz's speech on Friday, December 12, 2014 was to an almost empty Senate before the Cromnibus vote. Begins p. S6764 in Congressional Record.

6/1/15, "WHY I SUPPORT TED CRUZ," Lester Jackson, PhD, RedState.com,

"The Great Tree that Fell in an Empty Forest."

"DISCLAIMER: I never have met Ted Cruz or been in contact with anyone connected with his campaign. I would be amazed if he knows I exist. I write this as a citizen appalled at what has been and is being done to his countrydue in no small measure to the lack of an opposition party worthy of the name."

"An old question presented to beginning philosophy students is this: If a tree falls in an empty forest, does it make a sound? Very late on a Friday night last December, Ted Cruz gave, in my judgment, one of the greatest, most honest and most courageous addresses ever delivered on the floor of the United States Senate. It is nothing less than a tragedy for everything America is—or was—that very few are aware of this magnificent speech. It is long overdue for this great tree to make a thunderous sound.

It is especially overdue now because the field of candidates for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination has grown ridiculously, confusingly—and dangerously—large. There will always be wishful thinkers such as the Wall Street Journal’s Daniel Henninger, who promises that it is “more likely the best, fittest candidate will emerge.” Like 2008? Like 2012? In both these years, the nominee was a weak candidate representing the Establishment rather than the mainstream of his party. The best explanation is that conservatives divided their votes among potential nominees. I write now in the hope that grassroots conservatives will come to realize that they should unite behind the one unmistakably true conservative in the race. Others include RINO pretenders, egotistical publicity seekers (e.g., Trump) and, sadly, those who can’t let go of the spotlight despite past losses (Rick Perry and erstwhile Arlen Specter supporter Rick Santorum).

Although I have devoted most of my writing to capital punishment, as well as lawless and unconstitutional decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court, I recently have been diverted from that endeavor by the appalling fact that two unmistakably clear election mandates—2010 and 2014—have been contemptuously disregarded by lawmakers elected because they promised to carry out those mandates. As Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) 100% sorrowfully observed, “anyone watching Congress right now would have little reason to think that an historic election occurred only a few weeks ago. (Print, S6764a; Video.)

I have become more convinced than ever of the late Jude Wanniski’s wisdom expressed two decades ago: “democracy cannot work” if those elected do not keep most of their campaign promises. Although it is considered “sophisticated” to wink at campaign lying because, supposedly, everybody-does-it, this is much more intolerable for conservatives than liberals. Ours is basically a conservative country governed by those on the left against the will of the people; so outside of leftist strongholds such as New York and California, elections are won by promising conservative policies.

2016 will probably be the last chance for conservatives. A major presidential candidate now promises to terminate free speech for conservatives, and, just last year, 48 leftist senators sought to amend the heretofore sacred First Amendment to do just that. The once-great Democrat Party has declared war on freedom. Even without an amendment, IRS thugs have suppressed conservative speech to corruptly aid the Obama re-election.

It is more important than ever for conservatives to unite behind a candidate who is both courageous and sincere. It is, of course, a truism that there are no guarantees in life. But here is another truism: “fool me once shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me.”

The one certainty about 2016 is that conservatives will surely be double-crossed if they fall for the siren song of a candidate who already has betrayed them on a major issue or who has flip-flopped, probably for campaign purposes. These include, but are not confined to, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) 100% and Scott Walker

Ted Cruz is the one candidate who is demonstrably both a “conviction politicianand courageous. Liberal Juan Williams calls Cruz the “only consistent Republican candidate,” unsurprisingly paying homage to rigid leftist orthodoxy by belittling this consistency as “rigid adherence to conservative orthodoxy.”

For me, the defining moment came December 12, 2014, just prior to the RINO senate surrender on the infamous lame duck $1.1 trillion “Cromnibus” bill, largely unread by those who voted to enact it.  As always, unbearably interminable TV commercials left me no alternative but see what was on CSpan. I never went back to what I was watching because I found Ted Cruz just beginning his riveting address. Although, as noted, few know about this address, in my judgment, anyone who considers himself or herself a true conservative must watch or read it. (Who knows how soon anti-free speech leftist fanatics will succeed in removing this speech from YouTube? Thankfully, they can’t rip it out of the Congressional Record.)

Five aspects of this Cruz classic are especially noteworthy.

FIRST, it was clearly from the heart. It was flawless, eloquent and, above all, not seeking votes from a campaign audience but delivered late on a Friday night to an almost empty Senate chamber, and thus seen and heard by few. Cruz had nothing to gain and had to know he would be even more vilified and despised by the legislators he exposed as corrupt, wimps or both.

Second, on full view, it could be seen why his colleagues so despise him. Oh yes, he has been accused of being counterproductive and strategically destructive to the conservative cause. But the real reason he is the target of so much venom is that he dares both to tell the truth about his dishonest colleagues and also boldly acts to make it harder for them to lie to repeatedly betrayed conservative constituents.

What Cruz did that night was not only courageous but extraordinary in its rarity, not to mention contrary to the spirit if not letter of Senate Rule XIX:

No Senator in debate shall, directly or indirectly, by any form of words impute to another Senator or to other Senators any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming a Senator.
Nevertheless, on the floor of the United States Senate, Cruz told the truth (S6764a, 6765a): many of his fellow legislators, Representatives as well as Senators, Republicans as well as Democrats, were voting for the Cromnibus bill to “pay off” lobbyists who were paying them off to be paid off (1:48;11:05). Of course, there was nothing “indirect” about this. Cruz flat out labeled his colleagues “profoundly corrupt [17:58].”

Again, this just is not done!

Tellingly, in courts, truth is the first defense against lawsuits for libel and slander; in the United States Senate, Rule XIX, on its face, prohibits revealing the truth about senators’ unworthy or unbecoming conduct.

In sum, what really makes Cruz so hated and called “extremist” and “rigid” is that he dared and dares to tell the truth. Every true conservative should read or listen to his eloquent—and rare—presentation of truth on the floor of the staid United States Senate.

THIRD, Cruz declared (S6764b; 5:58):

Every Senator in this body should be put on record whether he or she believes it is constitutional for a President to disregard—to ignore—Federal immigration laws, and grant blanket amnesty to millions in defiance of both the laws on the books and the voters.
Accordingly, Cruz raised a point of order (S6767b; 35:21) against the Cromnibus bill: that it was unconstitutional. Without delving into the minutiae of senate procedure, this required both an immediate roll call vote and forced senators to go on record.

The last thing senators wanted to do was to go on record. Going on record means that they cannot so easily lie to their constituents. In this case, they would no longer be able to claim to oppose unconstitutional amnesty for alien law-breaking while, actually, supporting it. Of course, constituents do not read the Congressional Record. But plenty of political opponents do and now they have documentation in their campaign arsenal should they care to use it.

FOURTH, a particularly painful truth told by Cruz was that Congress had (and has) the power to stop President Obama’s unconstitutional and lawless actions in their tracks. RINO wimps prefer to break their promises with the Big Lie that they really, really did try but that they have no power to do anything. Well, here’s how Cruz exposed that lie (S6765b; 10:01):

When the President embraces the tactics of a monarch … [t]he Congress representing…the people who just spoke resoundingly in an election should use every constitutional tool available to prevent the President from subverting the rule of law.
When the President usurps the legislative powers and defies the limits of his authority, it becomes all the more imperative for Congress to…use those powers given to it by the Constitution to counter a lawless executive branch…If the President will not respect the people, Congress must.
Can any words be more repulsive to dishonest RINO wimps? Is it any wonder that they despise Cruz?

FIFTH, possibly Cruz’s worst offense was that he spoiled [mc_name name='Sen. Kelly Ayotte (R-NH)' chamber='senate' mcid='A000368' ]’s weekend. She and other senators whined that their weekends were spoiled by having to vote. That’s right, the nation is, in Cruz’s words, facing a “train wreck” and these senators consider their weekends more important. Of course, Ayotte, in particular, a RINO pretending to be conservative, had longstanding animus toward Cruz.

In two successive elections, conservatives have elected wimps and liars. By contrast, Ted Cruz, refreshingly, has demonstrated exceedingly rare courage. And he dares to tell the truth, also exceedingly rare.

To repeat, there are no guarantees in life. But Ted Cruz is as close as conservatives can expect."
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Also by Lester Jackson:

2/15/15, "The Faithless Elected: Boehner and the House Dons," Lester Jackson, American Thinker

"More than any other member of Congress, John Boehner has been responsible for violating critical Republican campaign promises essential to his becoming Speaker. To use a Wall Street Journal characterization of the first President Bush (July 2, 1990, A8), Boehner has “emerge[d] as the leader of the people whose … policies [his party] defeated.”...


While it would be delusional for conservatives to expect anything from Obama, they have every right to expect a Republican Speaker to be on their side. Instead, he works against them with fancy footwork. In 2010, Boehner protested that Pelosi violated House Rules to impose ObamaCare. But in 2014, in order to steamroll Cromnibus, the Boehner bunch had no trouble violating the rules they professed to worship.

To be precise, at a time of Democrat contempt for law as well as rules, Boehner pretended the rules were sacred in order to prevent exercise of power of the purse to defund Obama-Boehner Care; and he completely disregarded the rules in order to needlessly surrender the same power of the purse and thereby reject the 2014 election results before the new Congress took office. This is dishonesty of the most damaging and serious magnitude on the gravest issues of the day. (Incidentally, Rules Committee members who profess fealty to the rules above all else disingenuously disregard that one of their functions is to grant waivers of rules.)

To Boehner and his toadies, truth means little or nothing. But, if representative government, now on life support, is to be saved, truth must be made to mean everything. Just as cancers must be removed to save people, lying legislators must be defeated to save the Framers’ republican legacy.

There can be no success on any issue important to conservatives unless they first elect candidates who tell the truth about what they have done and will do. That cannot occur unless lying is elevated to the top or sole campaign issue. Dishonest campaigners must be defeated as often as it takes, by doing whatever it takes. It is not enough for conservatives to sit out elections and cease giving funds to dishonest Republicans. Conservatives must vote against these Republicans, first in primaries and, however painful, if necessary in the worst cases, by voting for Democrats in general elections. The gravest specific issues will not be addressed without prior removal of representatives who promise, but refuse, to take them on....

Republican liars are no better than Democrat liars. Although Chief Justice Roberts disavows responsibility to “protect the voters from the consequences of their political choices,” this is especially inapplicable to choices based on lies (unless Roberts does not think accurate information is necessary for voter choices). As Roberts well knows, “fraud” is legally defined as knowing misrepresentation of material facts that are relied upon to the detriment of anyone relying on such misrepresentation. It is simply untrue and – yes – a lie to say that a majority of voters ever chose the worst policies of the last five years – policies that John Boehner and representatives who elected him Speaker have ratified, while denying any responsibility....   

When conservatives fail to defeat RINOs in primaries, there is an alternative. By 1988, realizing that no new Democrat could do as much damage as senior RINO Senator Lowell Weiker, William F. Buckley, Jr., Connecticut's conservative icon, endorsed and helped elect Democrat Joseph Lieberman.

Now, as then, the worst RINOs are indistinguishable from the worst Democrats. In 2016, these people should be punished for their duplicity. If at all possible, they should be defeated by conservative Republicans in primaries or, if not, conservative voters must swallow the bitter pill of voting for Democrat opponents of the most dangerous Republicans. These surely include Boehner, Kevin McCarthy, Steve Scalise, and Pete Sessions. Their recent perfidy shows beyond question that they must be replaced. Because colleagues refuse to remove the current House Republican Dons from House leadership, they must be removed from the House altogether. They should be defeated in their home districts....


What if voting for Democrats causes Republicans to lose their majority in the Senate or the House? The short answer: so what! Just look at what the current crop of Republicans have done to maintain Obama-Pelosi dictatorial policies. They must be defeated in order to be replaced.

Lying has been central to this country’s decay. For example, multiple lies were essential to the infliction of the affliction of Obama Care. Republicans lied to gain control of the House to cure the affliction. They did not, instead electing John Boehner Speaker. Without Boehner, Obama Care would not have been saved; but, instead, it was converted into Obama-Boehner Care. In turn, Boehner would not be Speaker without lies.

First and foremost, campaign lying and liars must be stopped. This is an absolute prerequisite to everything else conservatives desire." 

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The  problem is lack of an opposition party to the Democrats, Lester Jackson, Dec. 2013:

12/12/13: "If RINOs are not replaced, and if a genuine opposition party is not established, nothing can save the Constitution-or the representative democracy and freedoms that are the heritage of this country." (end of article)

12/12/2013, "The Nuclear Option: Misplaced Conservative Outrage," American Thinker, by Lester Jackson

"Many of today's worst problems are due not just to aggressive leftist Democrats who will stop at nothing, but also to timid RINOs who stand for nothing....

It is galling that John Boehner became speaker in 2011, because Tea Party Republicans campaigned on a promise to avert the current ObamaCare disasterIn January 2011, Obama had not yet been re-elected, and the House Republican mandate was at its pinnacle.  All Republicans had to do was not vote for money to implement ObamaCare. It is absolutely absurd to say that this required approval of the president or the Senate. The Constitution is crystal-clear: if the House refuses to vote for appropriations, there is nothing anybody else can do about it except scream to high heaven, much as Republicans have done over the nuclear option. (Democrats do not care who screams and how loud; RINOs quake at the very prospect.)
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Future historians will have ample reason to conclude that the great tragedy of the Obama dictatorship was not the demise of the filibuster, but that, at a critical moment, House leaders blocked fulfillment of the very promise that made them leaders. 

As for filibustering to block judges who would legitimize further unconstitutional abuse of power, never forget Chief Justice Roberts. Those who revere the Constitution and were shocked by ObamaCare's intimidated savior should remember this: reliance on judges is gambling. Heed Judge Learned Hand's warning that we "rest our hopes too much upon constitutions, upon laws and upon courts. These are false hopes." .

Above all, remember that President Obama is able to abuse power only because the RINO-led House timidly refuses to constitutionally block money for such abuse. If RINOs are not replaced, and if a genuine opposition party is not established, nothing can save the Constitution -- or the representative democracy and freedoms that are the heritage of this country.
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Lester Jackson, Ph.D., a former college political science teacher, views mainstream media truth suppression as essential to harmful judicial activism.  His recent articles are collected here."

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Excerpt from
Codevilla piece referenced in first paragraph of above Jackson article:

July-August 2010 issue, "America’s Ruling Class — And the Perils of Revolution," Angelo Codevilla

"As over-leveraged investment houses began to fail in September 2008, the leaders of the Republican and Democratic parties, of major corporations, and opinion leaders stretching from the National Review magazine (and the Wall Street Journal) on the right to the Nation magazine on the left, agreed that spending some $700 billion to buy the investors' "toxic assets" was the only alternative to the U.S. economy's "systemic collapse." In this, President George W. Bush and his would-be Republican successor John McCain agreed with the Democratic candidate, Barack Obama. Many, if not most, people around them also agreed upon the eventual commitment of some 10 trillion nonexistent dollars in ways unprecedented in America. They explained neither the difference between the assets' nominal and real values, nor precisely why letting the market find the latter would collapse America. The public objected immediately, by margins of three or four to one.

When this majority discovered that virtually no one in a position of power in either party or with a national voice would take their objections seriously, that decisions about their money were being made in bipartisan backroom deals with interested parties, and that the laws on these matters were being voted by people who had not read them, the term "political class" came into use. Then, after those in power changed their plans from buying toxic assets to buying up equity in banks and major industries but refused to explain why, when they reasserted their right to decide ad hoc on these and so many other matters, supposing them to be beyond the general public's understanding, the American people started referring to those in and around government as the "ruling class." And in fact Republican and Democratic office holders and their retinues show a similar presumption to dominate and fewer differences in tastes, habits, opinions, and sources of income among one another than between both and the rest of the country. They think, look, and act as a class."...



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Correcting a March 2015 WSJ op-ed writer, John Boehner--not Obama or the Senate--is responsible for abdicating Power of the Purse for 4+ years:

3/29/15, "Power of the Purse: Abdicated, Not Blocked," Lester Jackson, PhD, RedState

"Don't Blame Senate or President for House Republican Nonfeasance"

"In a remarkable op-ed in last Tuesday’s Wall Street Journal (March 24, A 11), David Rivkin and Lee Casey call for an end to the filibuster in order to curb President Obama’s negation of Congress’ power of the purse. They argue:

"The Obama administration has systematically targeted critical congressional powers…It has rewritten…statutes…[and] effectively blocked Congress’s “power of the purse.”…The recent standoff over [amnesty in] the…Homeland Security appropriations bill is only the latest effort…[The] Obama administration’s strategy, denying the very legitimacy of Congress’s use of its appropriations power…has been abetted by Democratic senators who deploy the filibuster to keep spending legislation that the president opposes from an up-or-down Senate vote."

Whatever else may be said about the merits of abolishing the filibuster or about the president, Rivkin and Casey appear to assume that the House of Representatives cannot, alone, exercise the power of the purse — regardless of the Senate or president.

I recently have written articles (here, here and here)* placing responsibility for failure to exercise that power, in order to rein in Obama abuses, squarely on Speaker Boehner and, more broadly, on the House Republicans who elected him. The filibuster and or president cannot and should not excuse the nonfeasance of a duplicitous and feckless House majority elected by making now-broken promises.
 

* Updated alternatives: here, here and here."

 


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Monday, June 1, 2015

Journal Science publisher AAAS has team of 40 who drive traffic to its articles via social media. News media now so important to academia that science papers may first be pitched to journalists-NY Times

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5/31/15, "Beyond Publish or Perish, Scientific Papers Look to Make Splash," NY Times, Noam Scheiber, Business Day, 6/1 print ed.

"The benefits to academics of generating media attention may be subtly skewing their research. “The pressure is tremendous,” said James Heckman, an economist at the University of Chicago and the winner of a Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Science. “Many young economists realize that they win a MacArthur or the Clark prize, or both, by being featured in The Times.”
Most hiring committees and tenure review boards in the social sciences continue to give more weight to publications or the potential to publish in top technical journals above other factors when making decisions that affect the careers of young academics.

But popular media attention increasingly works in a candidate’s favor as well. For tenure decisions, “I’ve gotten letters,” Dr. Heckman said, “that ask me to assess the impact and visibility of a person’s work.”

Often the effect is indirect but no less pronounced. Many scholars said, for example, that a growing number of colleagues relied on nonprofit foundations to finance their research and that foundation administrators tended to be most excited when the work found its way into the news media....
The foundation grant can help pay for the collection of exotic data, of the kind that Mr. LaCour claimed to have procured, which has a higher likelihood of yielding groundbreaking results.

All of this has led to a new model of disseminating social science research through the media. Several economists at top departments said colleagues were now tailoring and pitching their academic papers to journalists, rather than writing papers and allowing the news media to discover them on their own.

One danger is that many journalists are not equipped to distinguish good science from shoddy science. That is a particular risk when the work does not wend its way through the usual academic channels before entering the news media’s consciousness.

“If it appears in the papers before it’s peer reviewed, that can be a problem,” said Gary King, a Harvard political scientist.

While the top journals in political science or economics typically spend six months to a year or more reviewing and revising submissions, the same review process at Science, where Mr. LaCour published his findings, tends to take less than two months, according to Ginger Pinholster, a spokeswoman for the journal.

“Often it’s one and a half years between the time a paper is submitted and the time a paper is accepted,” said Professor Card, referring to the top economics journals. “Much of that time is spent with extremely long and excruciating responses to the referees and the editors.”

The process at Science, some scholars say, can even encourage authors to inflate the significance of their work. “The reviewer will say, ‘The result is real, the conclusion is reasonable, but it doesn’t really say something that would interest a general audience,’” said Dr. Narayanan Kasthuri, a medical researcher soon to be at Argonne National Laboratory, who has published in Science. “That means, ‘Go back and make the conclusion broader, more spectacular.’”

On the other side of the equation, publishing in a more technical journal can be so time-consuming that it often risks delaying work well beyond the time it would be of interest to the public....

Many scholars believe that the peer-review process at Science is sound. “I felt the referees were pretty scrupulous,” Dr. Heckman said. “They seemed to know what they were talking about.”

But the process appears at least partly to reflect the journal’s goal of bringing more visibility to the work it publishes.

One of the things the American Association for the Advancement of Science”— the journal’s publisher — “is big on is wanting to communicate science, to keep the public interested,” Monica Bradford, the executive editor, said. For example, the association has a team of about 40 people who work to drive traffic to articles in its publications through the social media.

As the competition for faculty positions and research funding intensified in recent decades, scientists came under escalating pressure to publish blockbuster results in a few prominent journals — among them, Science, Nature and Cell.
Dr. Ferric Fang, a medical researcher at the University of Washington who has documented rising instances of fraud in scientific papers, said the searches his department conducts for assistant professors typically attract more than 100 applicants. Though many of the applicants for the last half-dozen of those positions have numerous papers in rigorously vetted but less-well-known outlets like the Journal of Bacteriology, nearly all of the finalists have been the lead author of a paper in one of the prominent journals. “You try to battle against it, look at the work itself,” Dr. Fang said. “But the luster of that publication is so strong.”

For years, doing social science work with the aim of attracting media attention was regarded as the domain of dilettantes who did not aspire to careful research.

After the financial crisis, however, the public and the news media became more interested in serious research, and scholars responded by seeking more coverage. News organizations like The Times and The Washington Post have added special sections, and online outlets like Vox.com have emerged to more thoroughly cover work that grapples with vexing public policy problems including poverty, social mobility and wage stagnation.

“Most of the time, in most people’s hands, it’s nothing but a good thing,” said Seema Jayachandran, a visiting professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “It’s more attention for more important results.”

Journalists and scholars are uncovering errors as social scientists share more data and as novel findings draw more interest.

Nonetheless, a system that encourages academics to distribute their research through the mainstream media can wreak havoc before errors come to light."...

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Comment: The "elephant in the room" of climate publishing, media attention and taxpayer cash isn't mentioned in the above article but CO2 danger is reported to be a $1 billion to $2 billion a day industry. "It might seem unethical but someone has to get rich fighting climate change." A March 2015 study reminds "massive funding" for the ongoing global climate spending boom was put in place in 1990 in the Executive Branch of the US government via the U.S. Global Change Research Act of 1990. As of 2014, "a fifth of official development aid is now diverted to climate policy" rather than aid to the poor or other social necessities. (2nd parag. from end) 
 
3/8/15, "‘Big players’ and the climate science boom," Judith Curry

"Big Players of any sort distort the normal systemic activity and render the emergent outcomes unstable and unreliable and create an ideal breeding ground for incentives that motivate ideologically biased people to circumvent normal constraints in the name of pursuing a "greater good"..."Butos and McQuade are economists that have no apparent engagement with the IPCC or climate science.  As outsiders, the provide a fresh perspective on the climate science/government/industrial complex."


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3/6/15, "Causes and consequences of the climate science boom," William Butos and Thomas McQuade


"1. The Government’s Role in Climate Science Funding...[is] embedded in scores of agencies and programs scattered throughout the Executive Branch of the US government. While such agency activities related to climate science have received funding for many years as components of their mission statements, the pursuit of an integrated national agenda to study climate change and implement policy initiatives took a critical step with passage of the Global Change Research Act of 1990. This Act established institutional structures operating out of the White House to develop and oversee the implementation of a National Global Change Research Plan and created the US Global Change Research Program (USGCRP) to coordinate the climate change research activities of Executive Departments and agencies.[33] As of 2014, the coordination of climate change-related activities resides largely in the President’s Office of Science and Technology Policy, which houses several separate offices, including the offices of Environment and Energy, Polar Sciences, Ocean Sciences, Clean Energy and Materials R&D, Climate Adaptation and Ecosystems, National Climate Assessment, and others. The Office of the President also maintains the National Science and Technology Council, which oversees the Committee on Environment, Natural Resources, and Sustainability and its Subcommittee on Climate Change Research. The Subcommittee is charged with the responsibility of planning and coordinating with the interagency USGCRP. Also, the Office of Energy and Climate Change Policy is housed within the President’s Domestic Policy Council. While Congress authorizes Executive branch budgets, the priorities these departments and agencies follow are set by the White House. As expressed in various agency and Executive Branch strategic plans, these efforts have been recently organized around four components comprising (1) climate change research and education, (2) emissions reduction through “clean” energy technologies and investments, (3) adaptation to climate change, and (4) international climate change leadership.[36]....By any of these measures, the scale of climate science R&D has increased substantially since 2001. Perhaps, though, the largest funding increases have occurred in developing new technologies and tax subsidies. As can be seen from Table 1, federal dollars to develop and implement “clean energy technologies” have increased from $1.7 billion in 2001 to $5.8 billion in 2013, while energy tax subsidies have increased from zero in 2001 and 2002 to $13 billion in 2013, with the largest increases happening since 2010. The impact on scientific research of government funding is not just a matter of the amounts but also of the concentration of research monies that arises from the focus a single source can bring to bear on particular kinds of scientific research. Government is that single source and has Big Player effects because it has access to a deep pool of taxpayer (and, indeed, borrowed and created) funds combined with regulatory and enforcement powers which necessarily place it on a different footing from other players and institutions. Notwithstanding the interplay of rival interests within the government and the separation of powers among the different branches, there is an important sense in which government’s inherent need to act produces a particular set of decisions that fall within a relatively narrow corridor of ends to which it can concentrate substantial resources.

2. By any standards, what we have documented here is a massive funding drive, highlighting the patterns of climate science R&D as funded and directed only by the Executive Branch and the various agencies that fall within its purview.[40] To put its magnitude into some context, the $9.3 billion funding requested for climate science R&D in 2013 is about one-third of the total amount appropriated for all 27 National Institutes of Health in the same year,[41] yet it is more than enough to sustain a science boom. Its directional characteristic, concentrated as it has been on R&D premised on the controversial issue of the actual sensitivity of climate to human-caused emissions, has gone hand in hand with the IPCC’s expressions of increasing confidence in the AGW hypothesis and increasingly shrill claims of impending disaster.

3. The recent pattern of federal climate science funding, moving toward emphasis on the development of technologies and their subsidization through the tax system, suggests that climate change funding has become more tightly connected to agencies like the Department of Energy, NASA, the Department of Commerce (NOAA), EPA, and cross-cutting projects and programs involving multiple agencies under integrating and coordinating agencies, like the USGCRP, lodged within the Executive branch. The allocations of budgets within these agencies are more directly determined and implemented by Administration priorities and policies. We note that the traditional role of NSF in supporting basic science based on a system of merit awards provided (despite some clear imperfections) certain advantages with regard to generating impartial science. In contrast, even a casual perusal of current agency documents, such as The National Science and Technology Council’s The National Global Change Research Plan 2012-2021, shows that those driving this movement make no pretense as to their premises and starting points.[39]

4. To be sure, the very opaqueness of these allocations and their actual use only provides for “ball park” estimates. However, we believe that the results presented in Table 3 come closer to a useful accounting than what previously has been provided. We have combined data from Leggett et al. (2013) and the AAAS Reports for Fiscal Years 2012 and 2013 (the only years for which the AAAS provides detailed budgetary data for climate science R&D and climate-related funding). This constrains Table 3 to including data only from 2010 through 2013. We have adjusted budgetary data and categorized it in light of discussion points 1-5 above. Note that the estimated aggregate expenditures for climate science and climate-related funding (excluding tax subsidies) from 2010-2013 in Table 3 are about twice that of the Leggett findings.

5.5 Funds administered by the Treasury Department in Table 2 are credit lines and loans channeled through the World Bank earmarked for international organizations to finance clean technologies and sustainable practices; consequently such funds would also more accurately be considered as climate-related sustainability and adaptation....

8. This summary and the detail in Table 1, however, do not capture the full scale of federal funding for climate science R&D. Two complications must be considered to capture a more accurate estimate. First, the entries in the first row of Table 1 for climate science only refer to monies administered by the Executive branch via the office of the USGCRP and does not include all climate-related R&D in the federal budget. For example, the entry in Table 1 for the USGCRP in 2011 is just under $2.5 billion; yet the actual budget expenditures for climate science-related R&D as calculated by the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) total about $16.1 billion.[38] In addition, since USGCRP funding is comprised of monies contributed from the authorized budgets of the 13 participating departments and agencies, a more accurate estimate of climate-related R&D requires deducting USGCRP funding from the aggregated budgets of those 13, most of which are included in Table 2.

9. Leggett et al. (2013) of the Congressional Research Service provides a recent account of climate change funding based on data provided by the White House Office of Management and Budget (see Table 1, below). Total expenditures for federal funded climate change programs from 2001-2013 were $110.9 billion in current dollars and $120.2 billion in 2012 dollars. “Total budgetary impact” includes various tax provisions and subsidies related to reducing greenhouse gas emissions (which are treated as “tax expenditures”) and shows total climate change expenditures from 2001-2013 to be $145.3 billion in current dollars and $155.4 billion in 2012 dollars.[37]

10. The USGCRP operates as a confederacy of the research components of thirteen participating government agencies, each of which independently designates funds in accordance with the objectives of the USGCRP; these monies comprise the program budget of the USGCRP to fund agency cross-cutting climate science R&D.[34] The departments and agencies whose activities comprise the bulk of such funding include independent agencies such as the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, National Science Foundation, Environmental Protection Agency, US Agency for International Development, the quasi-official Smithsonian Institute, and Executive Departments that include Agriculture, Commerce (National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Institute of Standards and Technology), Energy, Interior (the US Geological Survey and conservation initiatives), State, and Treasury.[35]

11. The past 15 years have seen a sustained program of funding, largely from government or quasi-government entities.[31] The funding efforts are spread across a bewildering array of sources and buried in a labyrinth of programs, agency initiatives, interagency activities, and Presidential Offices, but what they seem to have in common is an adherence to the assumption that human activity is primarily responsible for the warming observed in the latter part of the 20th century. Funding appears to be driving the science rather than the other way around. And the extent of this funding appears not to have been heretofore fully documented.[32]"...
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11/16/1990, U.S. Global Change Research Act of 1990 



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Jan. 2015 peer reviewed study finds "environmental journalists have developed a number of creative strategies for getting climate change stories past editors and in front of audiences:"

1/5/15, "Covering global warming in dubious times: Environmental reporters in the new media ecosystem," Sage Journals, Journalism

  1. Timothy A Gibson
    1. George Mason University, USA
  2. Richard T Craig
    1. George Mason University, USA
  3. Allison C Harper
    1. George Mason University, USA
  4. Jordan M Alpert
    1. George Mason University, USA
Timothy A Gibson, Department of Communication, George Mason University, MS 3D6, Fairfax, VA 22030, USA. Email: tgibson1@gmu.edu.

"Abstract.

With every Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report, the predicted consequences of global warming become increasingly dire. Yet public engagement on the issue, particularly in the United States, lags far behind what is required for collective action. There is therefore an urgent need for vigorous and engaging journalism on climate science and policy-making. Unfortunately, the profession of journalism is currently experiencing an unprecedented period of ferment, as media firms experiment with new ways to expand profits in a rapidly changing media ecosystem. Drawing on in-depth interviews, this article examines how environmental journalists have coped with the challenge of covering climate change in the context of a restructuring news industry. The interviews reveal that, despite the challenges they face – particularly regarding the complexity of the issue and their own economic insecurity – environmental journalists have developed a number of creative strategies for getting climate change stories past editors and in front of audiences. A concluding section draws on a cultural industries approach to studying media institutions in order to evaluate both the promise and limits of these individual acts of creativity.".

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"CO2" and the poorest:

12/10/14, "Hot Stuff, Cold Logic,"  

"Bangladesh is one of the most corrupt countries in the world, and its political elite is more interested in partisan fights and self-enrichment than in the well-being of its citizens. Floods primarily hurt the poor, who live near the river and the coastal flats where land is cheap. There is no political reason to protect them; after all, floods are thought to be an act of Allah rather than a consequence of decisions made or not made by incompetent and indifferent politicians. As long as this is the case, Bangladesh will be vulnerable to climate change."...(10th parag. from end)

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3/31/14, NY Times say US taxpayers must pay Bangladesh "plenty" more for excess CO2 that only exists in China but for which they blame the US:  

"Countries like Bangladesh and several in sub-Saharan Africa that are the most vulnerable to the effects of climate change say the report strengthens their demand for “climate justice”in other words, money, and plenty of it — from the world’s richest economies and corporations, which they blame for the problem....Vulnerable nations, emboldened by the new United Nations report, are demanding more, not less, from the United States."...

3/31/14, "Climate Study Puts Diplomatic Pressure on Obama," NY Times, Coral Davenport
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NY Times insists US taxpayers divert "plenty" more hard earned dollars to corrupt Bangladesh political elites who are already documented to waste climate millions on cronies and corruption:
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10/5/13, "Climate Change Trust flouting own law with annual reporting failure," Dhaka Tribune, Abu Bakar Siddique

"Evaluation not carried out even for once over past 4 years"

"Bangladesh Climate Change Trust has failed to submit a single yearly evaluation report of its activities to the government since 2009, despite the trust’s own act requiring such a review annually. 

Trust officials said they had not been able to perform the evaluation even once over the past four years because of heavy workload and a manpower shortage.

“We have been busy with other works like releasing different projects under the trust fund,” said secretary Md Rashadul Islam, who has been working for the trust since its inception.

“But recently we have increased our manpower and now we are planning to form an evaluation team,” he said.

Under the trust act the government established the Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCTF) in 2009-10 fiscal with its own fund to undertake projects to tackle adverse impacts of climate change.

Currently, the total amount of the fund is $340m. The government has already allocated $190.78m for 139 government and 63 non-government projects.

At the same time, the government also formulated the Bangladesh Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan (BCCSAP) 2009 considered to be a guideline on climate change adaptation measures.

The trust board consists of 17 members including 10 ministers and it has already been accused of cronyism and misuses of funds for the projects.

On October 3, a Transparency International Bangladesh report said the main obstacles to adapting to the negative impacts of climate change are corruption and a lack of good governance.

“The trust is yet to carry out an evaluation of its activities because of various anomalies in the fund management records,” said a climate change expert seeking anonymity.

Such anomalies could be avoided if the evaluation had been done regularly, said the source, who is also a member of the government’s International Climate Change negotiation team.

Hasan Mahmud, the minister for environment and forests who is also the chairman of the trust board, told the Dhaka Tribune that he was not aware of the issue."

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Comment: NY Times personnel are free to donate their salaries to thugs and dictators and to publish their IRS forms to document their cash transfers.


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