Howie Carr sitting in for Mark Levin tonight spoke of the crisis at the southern border and across the country. Howie read from "The Crisis" by Thomas Paine.
Dec. 23, 1776, "The Crisis," by Thomas Paine
"These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the
sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their
country; but he that stands by it now, deserves the love and thanks of
man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have
this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more
glorious the triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly:
it is dearness only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how
to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if
so celestial an article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated. Britain,
with an army to enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a right
(not only to TAX) but "to BIND us in ALL CASES WHATSOEVER" and if being
bound in that manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as
slavery upon earth. Even the expression is impious; for so unlimited a
power can belong only to God.
I have as little superstition in me as any man living, but my secret opinion has ever been, and still is, that God Almighty will not give up a people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, who have so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war, by every decent method which wisdom could invent. Neither have I so much of the infidel in me, as to suppose that He has relinquished the government of the world, and given us up to the care of devils; and as I do not, I cannot see on what grounds the king of Britain can look up to heaven for help against us: a common murderer, a highwayman, or a house-breaker, has as good a pretence as he....
As I was with the troops at Fort Lee, and marched with them to the edge of Pennsylvania, I am well acquainted with many circumstances, which those who live at a distance know but little or nothing of. Our situation there was exceedingly cramped, the place being a narrow neck of land between the North River and the Hackensack. Our force was inconsiderable, being not one-fourth so great as Howe could bring against us. We had no army at hand to have relieved the garrison, had we shut ourselves up and stood on our defence. Our ammunition, light artillery, and the best part of our stores, had been removed, on the apprehension that Howe would endeavor to penetrate the Jerseys, in which case Fort Lee could be of no use to us; for it must occur to every thinking man, whether in the army or not, that these kind of field forts are only for temporary purposes, and last in use no longer than the enemy directs his force against the particular object which such forts are raised to defend. Such was our situation and condition at Fort Lee on the morning of the 20th of November, when an officer arrived with information that the enemy with 200 boats had landed about seven miles above; Major General [Nathaniel] Green, who commanded the garrison, immediately ordered them under arms, and sent express to General Washington at the town of Hackensack, distant by the way of the ferry = six miles. Our first object was to secure the bridge over the Hackensack, which laid up the river between the enemy and us, about six miles from us, and three from them. General Washington arrived in about three-quarters of an hour, and marched at the head of the troops towards the bridge, which place I expected we should have a brush for; however, they did not choose to dispute it with us, and the greatest part of our troops went over the bridge, the rest over the ferry, except some which passed at a mill on a small creek, between the bridge and the ferry, and made their way through some marshy grounds up to the town of Hackensack, and there passed the river. We brought off as much baggage as the wagons could contain, the rest was lost. The simple object was to bring off the garrison, and march them on till they could be strengthened by the Jersey or Pennsylvania militia, so as to be enabled to make a stand. We staid four days at Newark, collected our out-posts with some of the Jersey militia, and marched out twice to meet the enemy, on being informed that they were advancing, though our numbers were greatly inferior to theirs. Howe, in my little opinion, committed a great error in generalship in not throwing a body of forces off from Staten Island through Amboy, by which means he might have seized all our stores at Brunswick, and intercepted our march into Pennsylvania; but if we believe the power of hell to be limited, we must likewise believe that their agents are under some providential control.
I shall not now attempt to give all the particulars of our retreat to the Delaware; suffice it for the present to say, that both officers and men, though greatly harassed and fatigued, frequently without rest, covering, or provision, the inevitable consequences of a long retreat, bore it with a manly and martial spirit. All their wishes centred in one, which was, that the country would turn out and help them to drive the enemy back. Voltaire has remarked that King William never appeared to full advantage but in difficulties and in action; the same remark may be made on General Washington, for the character fits him. There is a natural firmness in some minds which cannot be unlocked by trifles, but which, when unlocked, discovers a cabinet of fortitude; and I reckon it among those kind of public blessings, which we do not immediately see, that God hath blessed him with uninterrupted health, and given him a mind that can even flourish upon care.
I shall conclude this paper with some miscellaneous remarks on the state of our affairs; and shall begin with asking the following question, Why is it that the enemy have left the New England provinces, and made these middle ones the seat of war? The answer is easy: New England is not infested with Tories, and we are. I have been tender in raising the cry against these men, and used numberless arguments to show them their danger, but it will not do to sacrifice a world either to their folly or their baseness.
But, before the line of irrecoverable separation be drawn between us, let us reason the matter together: Your conduct is an invitation to the enemy, yet not one in a thousand of you has heart enough to join him. Howe is as much deceived by you as the American cause is injured by you. He expects you will all take up arms, and flock to his standard, with muskets on your shoulders. Your opinions are of no use to him, unless you support him personally, for 'tis soldiers, and not Tories, that he wants....
Not a place upon earth might be so happy as America. Her situation is remote from all the wrangling world, and she has nothing to do but to trade with them. A man can distinguish himself between temper and principle, and I am as confident, as I am that God governs the world, that America will never be happy till she gets clear of foreign dominion. Wars, without ceasing, will break out till that period arrives, and the continent must in the end be conqueror; for though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to shine, the coal can never expire.
America did not, nor does not want force; but she wanted a proper application of that force. Wisdom is not the purchase of a day, and it is no wonder that we should err at the first setting off. From an excess of tenderness, we were unwilling to raise an army, and trusted our cause to the temporary defence of a well-meaning militia. A summer's experience has now taught us better; yet with those troops, while they were collected, we were able to set bounds to the progress of the enemy, and, thank God! they are again assembling....
I call not upon a few, but upon all: not on this state or that state, but on every state: up and help us; lay your shoulders to the wheel; better have too much force than too little, when so great an object is at stake. Let it be told to the future world, that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet and to repulse it. Say not that thousands are gone, turn out your tens of thousands; throw not the burden of the day upon Providence, but "show your faith by your works," that God may bless you. It matters not where you live, or what rank of life you hold, the evil or the blessing will reach you all. The far and the near, the home counties and the back, the rich and the poor, will suffer or rejoice alike.... My own line of reasoning is to myself as straight and clear as a ray of light. Not all the treasures of the world, so far as I believe, could have induced me to support an offensive war, for I think it murder; but if a thief breaks into my house, burns and destroys my property, and kills or threatens to kill me, or those that are in it, and to "bind me in all cases whatsoever" to his absolute will, am I to suffer it? What signifies it to me, whether he who does it is a king or a common man; my countryman or not my countryman; whether it be done by an individual villain, or an army of them? If we reason to the root of things we shall find no difference; neither can any just cause be assigned why we should punish in the one case and pardon in the other. Let them call me rebel and welcome, I feel no concern from it; but I should suffer the misery of devils, were I to make a whore of my soul by swearing allegiance to one whose character is that of a sottish, stupid, stubborn, worthless, brutish man....
There are cases which cannot be overdone by language, and this is one. There are persons, too, who see not the full extent of the evil which threatens them; they solace themselves with hopes that the enemy, if he succeed, will be merciful. It is the madness of folly, to expect mercy from those who have refused to do justice; and even mercy, where conquest is the object, is only a trick of war; the cunning of the fox is as murderous as the violence of the wolf, and we ought to guard equally against both. Howe's first object is, partly by threats and partly by promises, to terrify or seduce the people to deliver up their arms and receive mercy. The ministry recommended the same plan to Gage, and this is what the tories call making their peace, "a peace which passeth all understanding" indeed! A peace which would be the immediate forerunner of a worse ruin than any we have yet thought of. Ye men of Pennsylvania, do reason upon these things! Were the back counties to give up their arms, they would fall an easy prey to the Indians, who are all armed: this perhaps is what some Tories would not be sorry for.... Howe is mercifully inviting you to barbarous destruction, and men must be either rogues or fools that will not see it. I dwell not upon the vapors of imagination; I bring reason to your ears, and, in language as plain as A, B, C, hold up truth to your eyes....
Twice we marched back to meet the enemy, and remained out till dark. The sign of fear was not seen in our camp, and had not some of the cowardly and disaffected inhabitants spread false alarms through the country, the Jerseys had never been ravaged. Once more we are again collected and collecting; our new army at both ends of the continent is recruiting fast, and we shall be able to open the next campaign with sixty thousand men, well armed and clothed. This is our situation, and who will may know it. By perseverance and fortitude we have the prospect of a glorious issue; by cowardice and submission, the sad choice of a variety of evils — a ravaged country — a depopulated city — habitations without safety, and slavery without hope — our homes turned into barracks and bawdy-houses for Hessians, and a future race to provide for, whose fathers we shall doubt of. Look on this picture and weep over it! and if there yet remains one thoughtless wretch who believes it not, let him suffer it unlamented.
December 23, 1776"
"This material is copyright by, and used with permission of, the Independence Hall Association, on the web at ushistory.org."
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"Through The Crisis Paine employed the values of human dignity and was able to associate his ideals with everyone else in the colonies. Ideas of freedom were now grasped by many and unity towards the American Cause was heightened throughout America."
.
Thomas Paine was
the editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine
in Philadelphia. An earnest supporter of the move towards
independence he used media as a weapon against British rule.
He was in strong favor of a war against Britain, if that is what
it was going to take to gain independence. Knowing that the war
was going to need the support of all the colonists, he understood
that unity was essential and found it necessary to offer what he
could to help unite the thirteen colonies into one nation. In
1776, Paine wrote The
Crisis, Number One, a plain spoken
commentary outlining obstacles the colonies faced in the struggle
with Britain. His conviction was to unite all in the colonies and
expose the stubborness and tyranny of Britain in hopes of gaining
the support of the Loyalists and neutrals to support the cause
with the Patriots.
Paine wrote with fever and passion. His idea of a land free from British tyranny was developed through his writing. The Crisis was written in an elegantly simple voice. Paine stayed away from terminology that was incoherent to the many un-educated common artisans and craftsmen. It was written in common, everyday language. He understood that an easily readable circular would be accepted. In it he not only outlined the problems and struggles with Britain but argued them. He starts out by telling people that "These are the times that try men's souls". He made the point that a soulful person would no longer allow themselves to be oppressed through the unfairness of such an evil kingdom as the British monarchy. He wanted the reader to become outraged and ignited with the same emotions that he and other patriots felt.
Paine knew that the average colonist was not going to simply support a war for independence. He had to make it more than that. He used many common relations between the American cause and beliefs that colonists held close. He used many referrals to God in his writing. This referral was used, no doubt, to promote the idea that a war against Britain would be a war in support of God and religious ideals. The British were seen, by Paine, as trying to accumulate a power that he claimed belonged only to God. He helps arouse support by stating that "God almighty will not give up a people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, who had so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war, by every decent method which wisdom could invent". They would be protected with God on their side. The point being made that there were no peaceful methods left and that war would be accepted by God because they tried several times before through peace but to no avail.
Paine's interpretation of the British was a disapproving one. He wanted the colonists to understand that they did not have to accept restraint from the British. He made references to the British hold on the colonies as an intruder breaking into a private home to steal and ravage. "...if a thief break into my house, burn and destroy my property, and kill or threaten to kill me, or those that are in it, and to "bind me in all cases whatsoever," to his absolute will, am I to suffer it?" Paine wanted the colonists to know that it was their right to live happy lives at their will. He wanted to give the feeling that the British were not only unjust in their acts on on the colonies. Rather, it was personally against the colonists. Allegiance to the British, he claimed, would make less of a person.
Paine promoted the American cause, not necessarily a war. Though it is commonly known as the American Revolution he never used the term "Revolution" for obvious reasons. Many colonists, when thinking of a revolution, think of a bloody, violent attempt of overthrowing a government. It is understandable that the colonists would not be willing to fight a long, drawn out, bloody revolution. Therefore, Paine knew it was necessary to portray the upcoming war as a glorious event that was to give hope to all the repressed peoples of the world.
His objective was aimed towards the Tories and especially the neutrals who just wanted to be left alone and let the fighting for some other time. He claimed the British government was going to use the Tories against the Patriots by keeping the seat of war in the middle colonies where the Tories stood. He wanted the Tories to understand the danger they were in stating that "...either they or we must change our sentiments, or one or both must fall." He claimed the Tories were cowards, that under British rule can never be brave. The Crisis was written with such force against the British monarchy that many British loyalists were, after reading it, turned against the crown. Many loyalists now understood that it was not just about independence. After reading Paine's work they had a better understanding of the desire that had gripped so many of their fellow colonists. The thoughts of loyalists were changed due to Paine's writings.
Many neutrals felt that a revolution was necessary but did not feel that the present time was the right time. Paine rallied these people by claiming that America has the ability to be and should be the happiest place on the earth. While the colonists were debating the idea of independence, the British were preparing for war and mounting their troops. He goes on to assert that the situation in America is unique and seperate from other nations and that should be taken advantage of. The only way to take advantage of this would to be free from the British monarchy.
Taking advantage of the media, Paine became the first to use such a method as a weapon and to gain support for the fight. Paine's The Crisis became widely accepted throughout the colonies and persuaded many to join in the fight for independence. He had achieved what he set out to do. His adored, democratic style of writing changed the thoughts of many. It also changed the view of what independence meant. Before his writing many thought it was just going to be a bloody war. Paine took this idea further claiming it was a basic human right to fight against the terror of the British. His work was read by thousands and gave clear insight to just what the cause was all about.
Through his writing he ignited the revolutionary sentiment that before the publication of The Crisis was held only by Patriots. Through The Crisis Paine employed the values of human dignity and was able to associate his ideals with everyone else in the colonies. Ideas of freedom were now grasped by many and unity towards the American Cause was heightened throughout America."
"Research for this article was conducted while the author was a history student at the Pennsylvania State University. Thank you to Dr. Amy Greenberg, Ph.d. for her critique and
recommondations."
.
Paine wrote with fever and passion. His idea of a land free from British tyranny was developed through his writing. The Crisis was written in an elegantly simple voice. Paine stayed away from terminology that was incoherent to the many un-educated common artisans and craftsmen. It was written in common, everyday language. He understood that an easily readable circular would be accepted. In it he not only outlined the problems and struggles with Britain but argued them. He starts out by telling people that "These are the times that try men's souls". He made the point that a soulful person would no longer allow themselves to be oppressed through the unfairness of such an evil kingdom as the British monarchy. He wanted the reader to become outraged and ignited with the same emotions that he and other patriots felt.
Paine knew that the average colonist was not going to simply support a war for independence. He had to make it more than that. He used many common relations between the American cause and beliefs that colonists held close. He used many referrals to God in his writing. This referral was used, no doubt, to promote the idea that a war against Britain would be a war in support of God and religious ideals. The British were seen, by Paine, as trying to accumulate a power that he claimed belonged only to God. He helps arouse support by stating that "God almighty will not give up a people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, who had so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war, by every decent method which wisdom could invent". They would be protected with God on their side. The point being made that there were no peaceful methods left and that war would be accepted by God because they tried several times before through peace but to no avail.
Paine's interpretation of the British was a disapproving one. He wanted the colonists to understand that they did not have to accept restraint from the British. He made references to the British hold on the colonies as an intruder breaking into a private home to steal and ravage. "...if a thief break into my house, burn and destroy my property, and kill or threaten to kill me, or those that are in it, and to "bind me in all cases whatsoever," to his absolute will, am I to suffer it?" Paine wanted the colonists to know that it was their right to live happy lives at their will. He wanted to give the feeling that the British were not only unjust in their acts on on the colonies. Rather, it was personally against the colonists. Allegiance to the British, he claimed, would make less of a person.
Paine promoted the American cause, not necessarily a war. Though it is commonly known as the American Revolution he never used the term "Revolution" for obvious reasons. Many colonists, when thinking of a revolution, think of a bloody, violent attempt of overthrowing a government. It is understandable that the colonists would not be willing to fight a long, drawn out, bloody revolution. Therefore, Paine knew it was necessary to portray the upcoming war as a glorious event that was to give hope to all the repressed peoples of the world.
His objective was aimed towards the Tories and especially the neutrals who just wanted to be left alone and let the fighting for some other time. He claimed the British government was going to use the Tories against the Patriots by keeping the seat of war in the middle colonies where the Tories stood. He wanted the Tories to understand the danger they were in stating that "...either they or we must change our sentiments, or one or both must fall." He claimed the Tories were cowards, that under British rule can never be brave. The Crisis was written with such force against the British monarchy that many British loyalists were, after reading it, turned against the crown. Many loyalists now understood that it was not just about independence. After reading Paine's work they had a better understanding of the desire that had gripped so many of their fellow colonists. The thoughts of loyalists were changed due to Paine's writings.
Many neutrals felt that a revolution was necessary but did not feel that the present time was the right time. Paine rallied these people by claiming that America has the ability to be and should be the happiest place on the earth. While the colonists were debating the idea of independence, the British were preparing for war and mounting their troops. He goes on to assert that the situation in America is unique and seperate from other nations and that should be taken advantage of. The only way to take advantage of this would to be free from the British monarchy.
Taking advantage of the media, Paine became the first to use such a method as a weapon and to gain support for the fight. Paine's The Crisis became widely accepted throughout the colonies and persuaded many to join in the fight for independence. He had achieved what he set out to do. His adored, democratic style of writing changed the thoughts of many. It also changed the view of what independence meant. Before his writing many thought it was just going to be a bloody war. Paine took this idea further claiming it was a basic human right to fight against the terror of the British. His work was read by thousands and gave clear insight to just what the cause was all about.
Through his writing he ignited the revolutionary sentiment that before the publication of The Crisis was held only by Patriots. Through The Crisis Paine employed the values of human dignity and was able to associate his ideals with everyone else in the colonies. Ideas of freedom were now grasped by many and unity towards the American Cause was heightened throughout America."
"Research for this article was conducted while the author was a history student at the Pennsylvania State University. Thank you to Dr. Amy Greenberg, Ph.d. for her critique and
recommondations."
.
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